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THE ARCHETYPE OF THE MAGICIAN
By John Granrose
Diploma Thesis - C.G. Jung Institute, Zürich 1996
Thesis Advisor: Mario Jacoby
Magic is afoot, God is alive.
God is alive, magic is afoot.
Magic never dies.
-- Leonard Cohen
Table of Contents
THE ARCHETYPE OF THE MAGICIAN
ACKNOWLEGEMENTS
I.
INTRODUCTION
II.
ARCHETYPE,
ARCHETYPAL IMAGE, AND SYMBOL
III. "MAGICIAN"
Mana Personality
Shaman
Trickster
Fool
IV. A GATHERING OF MAGICIANS
Hermes
The Tarot Magician
Merlin
Houdini
V.
TOOLS OF THE TRADE
Magic Wand
Magic Words
Magic Circle
Audience
VI. THE ANALYST AS MAGICIAN
Wand
Words
Circle
Audience
VII.
CONCLUSION
BIBLIOGRAPHY
FOOTNOTES
About the Author
ACKNOWLEGEMENTS
Many have helped me during my studies at the Jung
Institute and in the process of writing this thesis. In particular, I thank:
Gene Qualls, my first analyst, whose question
"What would it mean to go 'first class'?" led to my coming to Zürich
in 1984, and thus, indirectly, to my becoming a training candidate in 1987.
Mario Jacoby, my analyst and thesis advisor, for
his help on so many different levels and over so many years.
Kathrin Asper and Urs
Mehlin, for serving as readers and examiners of this thesis.
Verena Kast, with whom I
discussed many of these ideas and who has taught me a great deal.
The staff of the Jung Institute, particularly
Elena, Eli, Frances, Helga, Irene, and Lotti, for help and friendship.
My family in America:
Karen, Bruce and Anthony; Kathy, Xavier and Daniel; Jonathan.
Those friends who have been especially close to
me during the writing of this thesis: David, Dennis, Doris, Frederick, Jeanine,
Peter, and Sterling. Magicians all.
My fellow members of the following groups, each
of which provided inspiration for this thesis: The Athens Guild of Magicians,
Club Zürcher Magier, the Gentlemen Songsters of Zürich, the International
Brotherhood of Magicians, the Magic Circle (London), the Mystery School, the
Psychic Entertainers' Association, the Society of American Magicians, and the
Zürich Comedy Club.
My two mentors in things magical: Eugene Burger,
for his writings, lectures, and friendship, and Sylvester Granrose, my father
and first teacher of magic.
John Granrose, Zürich,
January 6, 1996
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"... magic as practiced in the Middle Ages and harking back to
much remoter times has by no means died out, but still flourishes today as
rampantly as it did centuries ago."
- C.G. Jung, CW 18, para.
784
I. INTRODUCTION
Magic is all around us. Sometimes we have the
eyes to see it; sometimes we do not. It is the core of what we label as
"the numinous" and so it is bound up with our religious experiences
as well.
Humans have had what might
be called "magico-religious" impulses through all of recorded history
and presumably before. For example, one of the earliest images of a human being
is the so-called "Sorcerer" in the paleolithic cave of Les Trois Fr
res. We know that magicians flourished in ancient Egypt and Greece and the
Middle East as well as in India and China. Such facts suggest the presence of
what Jungians would call an "archetype. As a student at the Jung Institute
and as a life-long student of philosophy, such aspects of human belief and
practice interest me.1
My interest in magic and
magicians, however, has more everyday roots as well.
Like most children, I began
my life looking up to my father.2 It seemed as if he were magic somehow. Of
course, like most children, I eventually came to understand that he was a
fallible human being. In my case, however, there was something slightly different:
my father was a magician. He was a long-standing member of the International
Brotherhood of Magicians and when I reached the age of ten he began to take me
with him to local meetings of this group. Eventually, in my teenage years, we
performed on stage together. Thus began my life-long fascination with magic.
In recent years, as my interest in Jungian
thought developed, I became more concerned with symbols and archetypes as such.
And it gradually dawned on me that "the archetype of the magician"
would provide an ideal topic for this thesis.
At the risk of sounding
overly superstitious, here is a dream which one of my analysands brought me
just at the time I submitted my proposal for this thesis: I am on the way home
from visiting a theater in a hotel in a medieval city. Suddenly I notice that I
am barefoot (and the weather is rather cold). I am not freezing, however, and
the streets are quite clean, and made of red bricks or paving stones. Then I am
in the hotel room and I am looking for my shoes but don't find them. I ask the
owner of the hotel. It is David Copperfield, the magician. He crawls under my
bed and brings out a pair of shoes. At first they don't seem to be mine, but
later I feel that they are actually mine after all.3 When we discussed this
dream she said, "It would take a magician to help me find my 'footing.
That's you you are the 'David Copperfield' in the dream. This interchange
convinced me that my thesis topic was worth pursuing. Perhaps the reader will
understand this.
At the outset it may be
useful to mention some limitations in what I shall attempt in this thesis.
First, and most important, although the terms
"archetype" and "magician" are the essential ones in my
title, I shall not spend many words trying to define them or in defending my
own views about them. As I shall mention (and footnote), many books and
articles have been written about each term. What I shall write here is
(mercifully) brief and is intended only to fix the center of each concept
rather than to define its edges.
Second, although I shall
offer examples of magicians, stories about them, and discussions of their major
symbolic "tools," I shall not attempt a "history" of magic,
nor shall I attempt to explore the details of its practice in any particular
culture. Again, many books and articles have been devoted to this issue.4
Finally, I shall not
attempt to resolve the issue of whether magic and its power is "real"
as opposed to subjective. It is clear that people do experience
"magic" and that rituals and magic words and the like do, in some
sense, work. The focus in this thesis, however, will be on the psychological
aspects of this process rather than the metaphysical. In other words, I take
roughly the same stance toward the (important) question of the objective
existence of magic as Jung did towards the objective existence of God.5 I leave
the metaphysical status of "magic,"
"synchronicity" and the like as open questions. Others have written
about them.6
Even limiting my scope in
these ways, there is still much to be done. The thesis begins by briefly
describing Jung's concept of an archetype. I then discuss the origin of the
term "magician" and develop the concept by comparing it with those of
mana personality, shaman, trickster, and fool. The middle sections of the
thesis focus on four particular magicians and then on four of the magician's
"tools. The last full chapter considers several ways in which the Jungian
analyst can be understood as a type of magician. Finally, the circle is
completed with a brief Conclusion, the Bibliography, some words about myself,
and a parting thought from Leonard Cohen.
II. ARCHETYPE, ARCHETYPAL
IMAGE, AND SYMBOL
Archetypes, according to
Jung, are "active living dispositions, ideas in the Platonic sense, that
preform and continually influence our thoughts and feelings and actions."7
They are not inherited ideas, but rather, as Jung says elsewhere, "inherited
possibilities of ideas."8 The exact nature of these archetypes has been
much discussed both within and outside of Jungian circles.9 What matters for
our present purposes is just that the underlying archetypes (which by
definition are beyond or beneath consciousness) are expressed in conscious
images called "archetypal images" which have the power to fascinate
us. It is one such image, that of "magician", which is the subject of
this thesis.
Given this contrast between
the archetype as such and the archetypal image in which it finds cultural
expression, "the magician" might better be regarded as an archetypal
image than as an archetype itself. Jungian usage is, however, inconsistent on
this point and because one so often sees the magician referred to directly as
an archetype,10 I have adopted this usage for my thesis. This seems the simpler
and more straight-forward course. What needs to be insisted on, however, it
that there is something still deeper behind the image of the magician,
something itself unknown, which expresses itself in the psyche as
"magician".
Jung himself describes this
as an archetype in "The Archetypes of the Collective Unconscious" in
Two Essays on Analytical Psychology: One of the archetypes that is almost
invariably met with in the projection of unconscious collective contents is the
"magic demon" with mysterious powers. ... [T]he demon can also have a
very positive aspect as the "wise old man."11 Jung makes this comment
in connection with his patient's saying, "Sometimes you seem rather
dangerous, sinister, like an evil magician or a demon."12 And he
interprets her remark: "... we saw that on the subjective level I became
an image for the figure of the magician in the collective unconscious."13
So it seems reasonable to consider "magician" as one of the
archetypes in Jung's sense.
It would be interesting, but beyond the scope of
this thesis, to explore Jung's ideas about archetypes in general and perhaps to
defend Jung against various misunderstandings. In particular, the common
assumption that Jung is a kind of Lamarckian who believes in the inheritance of
acquired ideas would be worth refuting since this misinterpretation has
interfered with Jung's acceptance in many scientific circles. But since others
have written about this elsewhere14 I propose to leave this issue aside.
In addition to the concepts
of archetype and archetypal image, the concept of symbol will also be important
for this thesis. The word "symbol" is based on the Greek symbolon,
from sym, "together," and bolon or ballein, "to throw or
fit."15 The Greek word refers to the practice of breaking a coin or other
small object in half when friends parted. Each half of the object would serve
as a reminder of the friend during his or her absence. Then when the friends
were reunited the re-fitting together of the two halves would serve as a kind
of proof of his or her identity. One friend could also entrust half of the
object to a further friend or relative and thus show to the holder of the
original half that this stranger was entitled to recognition or hospitality. Thus,
as Verena Kast puts it, "... the symbol is a visible sign of an invisible
reality. ... When we interpret, we seek the invisible reality behind the
visible and the connections between the two."16 In contrast to signs, for
example, the road sign "+" (meaning "crossroad ahead"), a
symbol points to "... an intuitive idea that cannot yet be formulated in
any other or better way."17 As A Critical Dictionary of Jungian Analysis
expresses it,
"Symbols are captivating pictorial
statements .... They are indistinct, metaphoric and enigmatic portrayals of
psychic reality. The content, i.e. the meaning of symbols, is far from obvious;
instead, it is expressed in unique and individual terms while at the same time
partaking of a universal imagery. Worked upon (that is, reflected upon and
related to), they can be recognized as aspects of those images that control,
order and give meaning to our lives. Their source, therefore, can be traced to
the archetypes themselves which by way of symbols find more full expression
....18"
Symbols are thus one type of what Jung called
"archetypal images," that is, the representation in consciousness of
an underlying archetype.
So the theme of this thesis could be expressed in
a variety of ways: What does the magician symbolize in human life? What are the
aspects of the archetypal image of the magician? or, simply, What is the
archetype of the magician?
III. "MAGICIAN"
We all know informally and
roughly what a magician is. A magician is, of course, a person who does
"magic. That is, a magician is a person who can make things happen that
wouldn't happen under the normal or familiar laws of nature. Something is transformed
in a mysterious way, or disappears, or appears. We know also, if we reflect on
our use of the word, that a "magician" could be an entertainer (a
"conjuror" or "prestidigitator") or a "real"
magician (something like a "witch doctor," "medicine man,"
or, perhaps, "sorcerer").19 Still, both conjurors and
"real" magicians are assumed to have the power to transform things
and make them appear or disappear, whether playing cards and silk scarves or
illnesses and spirits. And such transformations take place in a way which is,
literally, extra-ordinary. This thesis intends to deal with both types or
senses of "magician" and to explore the possible relationships
between them.20
In passing, it should be
noted that a distinction is often made between the "white magician"
and the "black magician. This distinction occurs, for example, in one of
the "big" dreams discussed by Jung.21 Although there are interesting
symbolic aspects of "white" and "black" which could be
developed, the basic distinction seems to be in whether the magic is being used
for helpful or for harmful purposes. This is, of course, to some extent
relative to the standpoint of the observer.
The English word "magician" comes from
the Greek and the Latin magia that is, having to do with "the religion,
learning, and occult practices of the Persian Magi, or priests of the sect of
Zoroaster, in the form in which they became known to the West."22
Although these
"Magi" were men, and although (for the sake of simplicity) I use the
male pronoun to refer to magicians in this thesis, many women have also been
magicians. One scholar has even claimed that in every period of history and in
every country the majority of magicians have been women.23 Be that as it may,
the magicians who have captured the public's attention and who have been
written about have been overwhelmingly males.
This controversy over the
ratio of men to women in magic may be connected, however, with the ambiguity of
the word "magic" already referred to, that between performing, stage,
or "entertainment" magic, on the one hand, and ceremonial, ritual, or
"real" magic, on the other. As I have mentioned, the first is
sometimes called "conjuring" and the second "witchcraft. Even
here, however, there remains an ambiguity since "conjuror" is
sometimes used for a person who can cast spells or "conjure up" the
dead. Now it might be the case that the practitioners of witchcraft have been
mostly women and the practitioners of magic for entertainment have been mostly
men. Given the common negative associations to "witchcraft," this
assumption might be unfair to women so let us leave the question open.24 Still,
this controversy points to the tension between what might be called the two
"contexts" for magic: the changing of the world through allegedly
magical power and the entertaining of people for the sake of pleasure. In actual
cases, of course, it is not always easy to discern which is intended. Shamans
and ceremonial magicians can be entertaining. And conjurors do sometimes rise
to the level of performing "real" magic.
Still, our consciousness is
shaped by our fantasy or fantasies of magicians. As Nikolai Tolstoy writes:
"The centuries come and go, literary
fashions pass, but the magician reappears before us: shifting his shape and
changing his name, now mocking, now awe-inspiring, but essentially the same
character whose fame flew over all Europe eight centuries ago. Trickster,
illusionist, philosopher and sorcerer, he represents an archetype to which the
race turns for guidance and protection."25
"Guidance and
protection," of course, can come from a variety of sources. What is unique
to the magician?
The magician is a man (or
woman) of power. In this sense, the substance of magic is fundamentally serious
(despite the combination of magician with clown in some cases). Furthermore,
the magician gets his power from another level of reality. He is not like the
engineer who has learned how to harness the power of this
world.
In the Introduction I
mentioned the connection between magic and the numinous and referred to
"magico-religious" impulses. So one might well wonder about the
similarities and differences between the magician and the priest. One way of
drawing the distinction might be to say that the magician's power is somehow
his own, whereas the priest's comes from a higher power. Roughly, this seems
right although, as we shall see in discussing the shaman below, some magicians
claim to have their power from a helpful spirit or animal rather than simply
from themselves, so the distinction cannot be made solely on this basis. Still,
the image of the priest is of someone who is a servant, while the image of the
magician is of someone who the spirits obey.
Some writers have seen magic
and magicians as simply an earlier or more primitive form of what later becomes
religion and the priesthood. This is one of the popular 19th-century claims
which I intend to bypass here (although we shall see in the section on Shaman,
below, that Marie-Louise von Franz has her own proposal about this contrast).
Perhaps it is enough to notice that both magic and religion arise from
something similar in the psyche. If not parent and child, or even siblings,
they are at least close cousins.
Magicians of all kinds
combine our natural human interest in power with our natural human interest in
mystery. Another name for this is "the occult. And, along with the charge
of "Lamarckianism" mentioned in Chapter Two, the charge that Jung was
too involved in the occult is one of the standard rebukes one hears in academic
or scientific circles. (After all, Jung's doctoral dissertation was "On
the Psychology and Pathology of So-called Occult Phenomena"26 and the
index to his Collected Works has many entries under "occult,"
"parapsychology" and the like.)
Marvin Spiegelman makes some interesting
observations about "occultists" [or, we might say, magicians in
general].
[They] are interested not so
much in relationship, as in power. They seek to train both fantasy and the
will. Fantasy is trained by focusing upon given images as in Tarot, or upon
given rituals or prayers in magic. The implication is that if one focuses upon
the given mantra [for example], then predicted and known events will occur. In
contrast with the open system of Jung, the occultist focuses upon training and
conditioning his psyche; thus he is more like the behaviorist. The Jungian
focuses upon relating to and understanding his psyche.27 And this focus on
relating to and understanding one's psyche will be a theme in the following
pages. First, however, let us briefly examine several concepts which might help
us better understand the image we have of the magician himself.
Mana Personality
Jung concludes the second of
his Two Essays on Analytical Psychology with a chapter on the so-called
"mana personality."28 The term "mana" is a Melanesian word
used by anthropologists to refer to the subjective experience of "... the
extraordinary and compelling supernatural power which emanates from certain
individuals, objects, action and events as well as from inhabitants of the
spirit world."29 Jung cites Friedrich Lehmann's phrase "the
extraordinarily potent" as his definition of "mana"30 and
remarks that:
"... the
mana-personality is a dominant of the collective unconscious, the well-known
archetype of the mighty man in the form of hero, chief, magician, medicine-man,
saint, the ruler of men and spirits, the friend of God.31 So whatever else the
magician archetype might be, it is clear that it is one instance of a
mana-personality. As I mentioned above, the magician is a person to whom
extraordinary power is attributed by others (and, perhaps, given the
ever present danger of psychic inflation, by himself). "
Shaman
A standard definition of
"shaman" begins: "among tribal peoples, a magician, medium, or
healer who owes
his powers to mystical
communion with the spirit world."32 The term has been used by generations
of anthropologists, especially in their descriptions of certain Siberian and
native American tribes. More recently, the use of shamanistic techniques for
self-discovery, personal growth and healing has been popularized by Michael
Harner and others.33
Clearly, a better understanding of the shaman
will aid us in understanding the magician. But the exact relationship between
the two is not always clear. Mircea Eliade, for example, begins his classic
study of shamanism as follows:
"Since the beginning of the century,
ethnologists have fallen into the habit of using the terms "shaman,"
"medicine man," "sorcerer," and "magician"
interchangeably to designate certain
individuals possessing magico-religious powers and found in all
"primitive" societies. ... [But] If the word "shaman" is
taken to mean any magician, sorcerer, medicine man, or ecstatic found
throughout the history of religions and religious ethnology, we arrive at a
notion at once extremely complex and extremely vague; it seems, furthermore, to
serve no purpose, for we already have the terms "magician" or
"sorcerer" ....34 So it seems that the shaman is one type of
magician. Or, to put in another way, the shaman expresses one aspect of the
magician. How so?"
Eliade continues:
"Magic and magicians are to be found more or
less all over the world, whereas shamanism exhibits a particular magical
specialty, on which we shall later dwell at length: "mastery over
fire," "magical flight," and so on. By virtue of this fact,
though the shaman is, among other things, a magician, not every magician can
properly be termed a shaman.35 "
Central to shamanism as such
is a belief in spirits who can help or harm human beings. The shaman typically
has a special relationship to one or more such spirits (which may have singled
him out in some manner which he could not refuse, usually involving an illness
or psychic crisis of some kind). With the aid of his spirit "guide"
or "helper," the shaman is able heal other members of his tribe by
removing destructive spirits or rendering them harmless. This process usually
involves the shaman entering a trance, a special form of the abaissement du
niveau mental which Jung so often mentioned.36 Trance as such is important in
many forms of magic and is currently the subject of investigation in many
branches of science.37
In its simplest form, the
world view of shamanistic tribes is one of a universe with three levels or
"layers" our "middle-world" of ordinary reality plus an
"upper-world" and an "under-world" of divinities and spirits.
The shaman is one who has learned the techniques for journeying between these
different worlds and his power to help and to heal is based on this.38
But most important of all,
the shaman has not learned about the spiritual world from books but through his
own experience, through his own body. So when he acts or speaks he is one who
"speaks with authority. As Marie-Louise von Franz writes, "In
civilized societies the priest is primarily the guardian of existing collective
ritual and tradition; among primitive peoples, however, the figure of the
shaman is characterized by individual experience of the world of spirits (which
today we call the unconscious) ...." 39 And here we find our first
intimation that this world of "spirits" and "powers" which
the shaman (and magician) know and use is what we also call "the
unconscious. This insight is the basis for the parallel between shaman and
analyst.
The magician in general is a
person of power in the spiritual world (as contrasted with the power of the
king or tribal chief in secular affairs). The special features of the shamanic
magician is that he has undergone a certain kind of initiation into the
multi-layered world of spirits, has learned the methods of trance and soul
retrieval, and has thus become, in Eliade's recurring phrase, a
"technician of the sacred.
Many shamanistic techniques are very widespread,
for example, the shaman's use of the drum to create the rhythmic beat conducive
to trance or the practice of dressing in the clothes of the opposite sex to
foster contrasexual powers.
While not all magicians are
of this shamanistic type, we clearly see one aspect of the magician here.
Moreover, the special characteristics of the
shaman are related to the approach which Jung took to his own analytic work:
... the main interest of my work is not concerned with the treatment of
neurosis, but rather with the approach to the numinous. But the fact is that
the approach to the numinous is the real therapy, and inasmuch as you attain to
the numinous experience, you are released from the curse of pathology. Even the
very disease takes on a numinous character.40
Jung himself has been described as "a modern
shaman if I have ever met one."41 And another writer on shamanism said of
Jung: "All he lacked was the drum."42 Finally, there is a story that
when Marie-Louise von Franz once remarked to Jung that he was like a shaman, he
replied, "Well, that's nothing to be ashamed of. It is an honour."43
Trickster
Perhaps because of the expression "magic
tricks" or "conjuring tricks," the figure of Trickster comes
immediately to mind when one thinks of the magician.
Primarily, the Trickster is a figure in mythology
and folklore who has entered our psychological vocabulary through Jung's essay
"On the Psychology of the Trickster-Figure,"44 in Paul Radin's Der g2ttliche
Schelm.45 As Jung puts it, "The trickster is a collective shadow figure, a
summation of all the inferior traits of character in individuals."46
Although Radin focused his attention on the Trickster stories of the Winnebago
indians, Jung is reminded of the practices of carnival, the medieval Feast of
Fools, the pranks and shape-shifting of Mercurius, and of the shaman.
There is something of the
trickster in the character of the shaman and medicine-man, for he, too, often
plays malicious jokes on people, only to fall victim in his turn to the
vengeance of those whom he has injured.47 This side of the shaman, however, as
of the magician, is his shadow side. And, of course, just as we all need to
become conscious of our shadows to keep, for example, from simply projecting
them on our neighbors, so the shaman or magician needs consciousness of his
shadow/trickster side. And, on the other hand, the prankishness of the
trickster can serve to "leaven the loaf" of an all-too-serious
magician's personality.48 Jung notes in the same essay that the trickster is
"a forerunner of the savior."49
Fool
Just as the shaman can be
viewed as a certain type of magician-figure, the fool can in turn be viewed as
a certain type of trickster-figure. The fool and the trickster are not always
distinguished, of course. (So, for example, the entry for "Fool" in A
Critical Dictionary of Jungian Analysis simply reads "See
Trickster.")
In his
now-classic work The Fool and His Scepter,50 William Willeford mentions two
main tendencies in our attitudes towards fools: the naüve view that fools are
just silly and the more refined view that fools show a kind of wisdom. Each is
a partial truth, of course: on the surface the actions and speech of the fool
are silly, but, as Willeford writes, "the surface of folly sometimes
breaks open to reveal surprising depths ...."51
Like all tricksters, the fool somehow stands
outside of the normal social order. In the form of the jester, the fool can say
to the king what no one else would dare. As "outsiders," the fool,
the trickster, the magician can all show us things that we otherwise avoid.
While the trickster is more likely to deceive,
cheat, or shock us, the fool (as related to the clown) is more likely to make
us laugh at his antics.
We may laugh at the
outrageous behavior of a trickster, the pathos of a sad clown, or the
surprising happenings in a magician's show. There is also, however, as
Willeford points out, a connection between horror and humor.
"... [H]orrible things may also be
laughable. When we laugh at them, we often do so partly because
we do not know what else to do, because we do not find our way to
another and more appropriate reaction. Through laughter we achieve a
provisional stance, outside belief and disbelief, in the face of the horrible.
We also laugh as part of an automatic recoil into life."52
So the fool, too, through the function of
laughter, helps us find our way back and forth between worlds. This, of course,
was also one of the functions of the shaman. And, in a certain way, it is a
function of the analyst as well.
IV. A GATHERING OF MAGICIANS
Having considered magic and magicians in general,
we now must examine several particular magicians in search of further insights
into this archetype.
Hermes
The Greek god Hermes is
known for many things: being the messenger of all the gods, being the conductor
of souls (the so-called psychopompos) to the underworld, and for his connection
with fertility.53 In addition, however, he is the god of tricksters, thieves
and magicians. In his Roman equivalent of Mercury he appears in the center of
the seal of the International Brotherhood of Magicians and is regarded as the
patron of magicians and as a magician himself. His golden staff (the kerykeion,
in Greek, but often referred to later as a caduceus) is an example of the magic
wand, to be discussed in the next chapter. The illustration below54 shows a
Greek coin from 360 B.C.E. bearing the likeness of Hermes holding his wand
entwined with two snakes. With this wand "he charms the eyes of men or
wakens whom he wills."55 And, as Karl Keranyi writes of this passage, ...
the text speaks of death, but of death not as an unambiguous and final event.
Re-awakening in this context also contains a double meaning: it can refer to an
escape from death itself.56 So there is an implicit theme of death and
resurrection here, an important theme in magic.57
In the General Index to
Jung's Collected Works, a distinction is made between
"Mercurius/Hermes/Mercury, in alchemists' writings" and
"Mercury/Hermes, Greek/Roman god" with approximately six times as
much space being given to the Hermes of alchemy as to the classical god. Jung
is referring to both, however, when he writes, "Mercurius or Hermes is a
magician and god of magicians."58
What is it about the story of Hermes which makes
this so? Such attributions cannot be simply arbitrary, the assigning of gods as
patrons of various human activities on a random basis.
As with many gods and heros,
there are miracle stories connected with his birth. On the day of his birth,
for example, Hermes was already able to walk. He immediately killed a tortoise
and, hollowing out its shell for a sounding board, invented the lyre. (This, of
course, prefigures Hermes' connection with the opposites of life and death.)
Next Hermes stole the cattle of his brother Apollo, tricked his brother by
driving the cattle backwards and by wearing his shoes backwards (so that the
tracks left behind would confuse Apollo), and then lied (by "playing
innocent" and asking, "what are cattle?" when eventually
confronted by Apollo). Thieves and magicians do such things, of course.
The stories of the lyre and
the cattle are connected in that Hermes also killed two of the cows to make
strings for his lyre and also in that Hermes charmed Apollo with the music of
the lyre, with the result that Hermes gave his brother the lyre (which became
Apollo's symbol) and that Apollo gave Hermes the golden staff or wand (which
Hermes then always carried). So, in their way, these stories of the birth of
Hermes show the "union of opposites," the coniunctio oppositorum, so
important in Jungian thought. In any case, stories such as these show how
Hermes logically became the god of both thieves and magicians.
The Tarot Magician
The controversial and mysterious set of cards
known as the "Tarot" have become popular in the 20th century and have
been interpreted by many Jungians.59
Jung himself refers to the Tarot cards only once
in his Collected Works, mentioning them, in parallel with the pictures found in
alchemy, the Tantric chakra system and the nerve system of Chinese yoga, as
seeming to be "distantly descended from the archetypes of
transformation."60
Some interpreters of the
cards claim to have traced their origin to ancient occult traditions.61
Virtually all commentators agree, however, that parts of the Tarot are at least
six centuries old and that the Marseilles version of the Tarot is perhaps the
oldest complete Tarot still in general use. What matters for this thesis is
that Tarot images, in particular those of the Major Arcana, can readily be
understood as arising from some deep level of human experience and lend
themselves to interpretation just as dreams and fairy tales do. As humans we
have a tendency toward projecting aspects of ourselves on object that provide
"hooks" for these projections. The cards of the Major Arcana are well
suited to receive these projections and thus can serve as tools in our search
for self-knowledge. And since the 22 cards of the so-called "Major
Arcana" (also called the "Greater Trumps") are pictures, this
section of the thesis will be something of an exercise in picture
interpretation. The goal, however, is to understand better another aspect of
the magician.
Consider now the figure of
the magician as depicted in the Marseilles deck:

This card shows a beardless
young man with long, blond curls. His clothes are tri-colored, red, blue and
gold, and the colors red and blue are always paired opposite one another. For
example, he wears a blue shoe on one foot and a red one on the other, one
sleeve is red while the other is blue. He wears a large, floppy hat with a red
brim and a golden crown. In each hand he is holding something, in one hand a
golden wand and in the other, a round, golden object, either a ball or a coin.
The Magician stands behind a table which extends, to the viewer's right, out of
the frame of the picture. On this table are a variety of small objects: a
golden bag or purse with a golden scarf protruding, a golden cup and a red one,
a red ball, a knife with a blue handle, a blue object which is perhaps a
feather, three golden coins, a pair of golden dice, and a red object which is
probably another ball. The Magician stands on very hilly, uneven ground. A
small amount of grass or other vegetation is visible near his feet and there is
what appears to be a thin, green tree visible in the distance.
Consider what we can surmise
about this figure simply from the evidence in the picture. His face is clearly
young, and his curls are still blond, rather than having darkened (or grayed)
with age. His youth and his beardless face suggest that he stands at the
beginning of his life's journey. If we compare this figure with other men
depicted in the Major Arcana, we find the beardless men typically in precarious
positions such as falling, hanging, or standing at a fork in the road. The
bearded men of the Major Arcana, in contrast, all have their feet on the
ground.62 These facts, plus the unevenness of the ground beneath his feet,
suggest that this Magician symbolizes a state of psychological youth and
insecurity, a person at an initial stage of life. This is further emphasized by
the number assigned to this card in the series: "1".
His clothing provides
further clues to his nature. The size and unusual nature of his hat, for
example, merits reflection. As Newman points out, the hat "is the insignia
(i.e., signifies) the bearer, whether it be the hat of the train conductor, ...
or the crown the king receives at his coronation."63 Most commentators on
this card have observed that the brim of this hat resembles a figure eight
lying on its side, the mathematical sign for infinity (called the
"lemniscate"). In the Rider-Waite version of this card the hat is
actually replaced by this symbol. In the Royal Fez Moroccan Tarot the Magician
wears a hood or cowl rather than a hat, but holds a luminous figure eight in
his hand along with his wand. The Jungian Tarot does not contain the lemniscate
directly but it is at least hinted at in the figure formed by the two snakes on
his wand. These three cards are pictured below. In the Ansata Tarot (not
pictured here) the infinity sign is represented by a cobra at the Magician's
feet.

The fact that so many
different versions of this card include the sign for infinity suggests that it
is important to the symbolic meaning of the card and not just incidental. Bernd
Mertz sees in the lemniscate "a hint about the endlessness of the powers
of magic."64 It might also be seen as a hint that this Magician is more
than he seems: perhaps this sign of infinity is to remind us that although we
see but a youth before us, above or behind this youth are transcendent powers.
And the lemniscate is a sure sign that we are not concerned here solely with
the street conjurer, the magician as entertainer.
The Magician's hat can also be seen as a
complement to his clothing in general. Just as the hat has two parts the loops
of the reclining figure eight which are unified through the golden center of
the hat, each item of his clothing in general shoes, leggings, jacket, sleeves
is composed of two opposing parts, their difference being emphasized by their
contrasting colors. Their ultimate unity, however, is shown both by their being
obviously the clothes of this one man and by the golden belt with which they are
held together. So here we see in pictorial form the coniunctio oppositorum
which we have seen before in the stories about Hermes and which we will
consider again in our final chapter.
The items in the Magician's
hands provide further clues to his symbolic nature. The wand is both a badge of
his office or status and a tool with which he creates his miracles. Like the
staff of Moses which could alternately astound the masses by turning into a
serpent and nourish them by striking water from the rock, we know that this
tool will be used both to charm and to help us. Its golden color suggests that
the power of the wand comes from heaven itself65, unlike the power of the evil
magician or sorcerer. The round object in his other hand, whether it be a ball
or a coin, is also golden and therefore connected with this divine power.
Another way of looking at
the objects in his hands would combine the objects themselves with the position
of the hands and arms: the wand is in the hand raised toward heaven while the
coin(?) is in the hand closer to the earth. This might be connected with the
Hermetic saying "As above, so below."66 The saying "As above, so
below," is attributed to Hermes Trismegistus, described in Putman's
Concise Mythological Dictionary as an identification, in late Classical times,
of the Greek Hermes with the ancient Egyptian Thoth. The god Thoth, in Egypt,
was the scribe of the gods and the inventor of the art of writing, and as such
was the patron deity of knowledge and the sciences in general, of which magic
constituted an important part.67
The position of the Magician's hands might also
be connected with Jesus' words in the Lord's Prayer: "Thy will be done on
earth as it is in heaven. The traditional posture of the Buddha, with one hand
raised in spiritual blessing and the other hand touching the earth, also comes
to mind. This "above and below" symbolism is emphasized even more
strongly in the design of the Rider-Waite card.
What of the items on the table itself? Newman
describes them as "an assortment of objects relating to gambling and
chance."68 In this connection, Newman informs us that this card has also
been called "The Gambler."69 With this interpretation in mind Newman
writes: "Without conviction and commitment, he endlessly turns his cards
and shakes his dice. ... The Gambler signifies one lost among possibilities,
unable to take a chosen path and stick to it."70 So, according to Newman's
interpretation, this Magician card represents a kind of puer.
I disagree with Newman here.
It is true, of course, that chance plays a role in human affairs and that
"life is a gamble. But there is a Tarot card in which this factor is
already evident: The Wheel of Fortune. What
Newman appears to have done
is to misinterpret the items which the Magician is about to use in his work as
the tools of the gambler. True, dice and coins are present, but most likely as
the items with which our Magician is about to show us his miracles. Even today
magicians use these same objects. And in the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries, and earlier, when these cards were presumably designed, the roadside
or drawing-room magician or conjuror would have been a familiar figure in
Europe. The Flemish painter Hieronymus Bosch (1450?-1516) portrayed a conjuror
of his time whose table and equipment resemble that of the Marseilles Magician.
Later, in circa 1740, a woodcut from The Old Hocus Pocus, being the Whole Art
of Jugling [sic] shows a conjuror giving a performance with similar items on
his table:
It seems to me, therefore,
that what we have here are not "objects relating to gambling and
chance," as Newman claims, but objects to be used in conjuring or sleight
of hand. This is further supported by the fact that the Magician card in German
was sometimes labelled "Der Gaukler" and in French
"Escamoteur,"71 both words more connected with sleight of hand and
deception and neither with gambling (and neither, by the way, with the
"spiritualized" magic suggested by the Rider-Waite card). Also, the
traditional French label on the Magician card in the Marseilles deck is
"Le Bateleur" ("The Juggler"), rather than "Le
Mage" (or something similar). Two other English labels for this card have
been "The Mountebank"72 and "The Thimble-Rigger,"73 both
words rather like "trickster."
Some commentators on the
Tarot make much of whether the Magician holds objects in his "right
hand" or his "left hand. I put these terms in quotation marks because
they are sometimes used to refer to the hand at the right or left side of the
card from the viewer's standpoint. Thus Newman writes, The convention will be
followed throughout this work that the right hand is the hand of a figure
closest to the right side of the card and represents the side closest to
consciousness. It is here that the events and contents closest to consciousness
are found. Similarly, when I refer to the left hand I am speaking from our
point of view and am referring to the hand holding the unconscious content,
which is the hand that appears on the left-hand side of the card.74
While I agree in general
with this approach to picture interpretation, I suspect that not too much
weight should be placed on this question of left and right in this case. Note,
for example, that the Marseilles Magician holds the wand in his left hand while
the Rider-Waite Magician holds the wand in his right hand. Similarly, the Royal
Fez Moroccan Magician holds the wand in his right hand while the Jungian
Magician holds the wand in his left. (See the above reproductions of these
three cards.)
What else can we surmise
from this consideration of the Magician in the Tarot? Thus far little has been
said about his location in relation to the other cards in the Major Arcana. The
Magician is "Arcanum I," the initial card in the series of 21
numbered cards. The Fool card sometimes comes before the series of 21 cards and
sometimes comes after the other cards. Sometimes the Fool is numbered
"0" and sometimes (as in the Marseilles version) it bears no number
at all. In any case, it the Magician who is "Number One. This position can
be interpreted in terms of one's overall view of the nature of the Tarot.
Newman, for example, as the sub-title of his book indicates, sees the Tarot as
"a myth of male initiation. Joseph Campbell, in a related vein, sees the
order of the cards as suggesting "the graded stages of an ideal life,
lived virtuously according to the knightly codes of the Middle Ages."75 A.
E. Waite and many others find various occult traditions and esoteric teachings
embodied in the order of the cards.76 What is certain, however, and most useful
for our purposes, is that the Magician bears a special relation to one-ness or
wholeness. Here, I believe, Newman has got it right:
The number one symbolizes the undifferentiated
totality. Out of the one come the two, i.e., the opposites. In the state
signified by the number one, the opposites have not yet been experienced, nor
the conflict, the tension, or the possibility for consciousness. The numerical
value given to this arcanum by virtue of its location is that of a wholeness in
its predifferentiated condition. It is the distinction often made between unity
and union.77
As a young man at the
beginning of his journey, the Magician lives with the opposites (as shown, for
example, by the features of
his clothing) but has not yet fully experienced them and thus has not yet
learned to overcome these opposites through holding the tension between them.
That is, he has not yet reached the state of union. Here, at the beginning of
his life, he exists in a state of participation mystique. In a certain sense,
however, this kind of oneness is a valuable quality for someone at the
beginning of a journey, perhaps even an essential one. Like the experience of
"falling in love," or like the developmental stage of the "love
affair with the world," this pre-conscious unity provides a launching into
the struggles and growth of adult life.
Before leaving the Tarot
behind we should note that not only is the Magician one of the images within
this mysterious set of cards. Magicians also use the Tarot for magical
purposes, especially for divination, one of the traditional functions of magic
and one with close ties to psychology. So regardless of the age of these
symbols they can be used for an ancient purpose. "So," as Grillot de
Givry writes,
here we come back to the pythoness of antiquity;
the seer, the inspired one, the sibyl, whose tripod was only a material
instrument helping to induce trance and to facilitate the reception of the
Spirit. Today the tarot replaces the tripod; the phenomenon remains identical
and quite as disturbing, but the procedure is better adapted to the
requirements of modern society, and it has been successfully introduced into
the humblest cottage as well as the most sumptuous dwellings.78
Merlin
In contrast to Hermes and to
the Tarot magician, Merlin is known by virtually all Western adults. His name
and his popular image, clothed in dark robe and conical hat with astrological
symbols, waving his magic wand, are known even by most children. We may even
think of Merlin as an icon of "magician" for our culture. This in
itself is significant since we may learn about the deep meaning of
"magician" by studying this figure which continues to enchant us.
Scholars differ in their
opinions about the extent to which the stories of Merlin are based on an
historical person. As one might expect, the "quest for the historical
Merlin" has been popular in the 20th century.79 And although some experts
continue to hold that Merlin is a completely fictional character, the current
view seems to be that he has a historical basis. In fact, it seems likely that
there were two historical figures underlying the literary character: a
fifth-century Welsh political prophet, referred to as Merlin Ambrosius because
he was called "Ambrosius" in the earliest stories, and a
sixth-century visionary and "wildman of the forest" named
"Myrddin," referred to as Merlin Silvestris because of his connection
to the woods.80 In the 12th century Geoffrey of Monmouth wrote about both of
these Merlins: first about Merlin Ambrosius, in his Historia Regum Britanniae
(History of the Kings of Britain), and then about Merlin Silvestris, in his
Vita Merlini (The Life of Merlin) which was composed some years later and which
also attempted "to fuse the fifth- and sixth-century Merlins into one
person."81
Some recent scholars have
maintained that one or the other of these two (probably) historical figures
provides the more plausible basis for the Merlin stories. Leona Goodrich,82 for
example, favors Merlin Ambrosius, while Nikolai Tolstoy83 favors Merlin Silvestris
as the primary basis. Fortunately, for our purposes, this issue may remain
open. The point, however, is that unlike Hermes and the Tarot Magician, the
stories of Merlin often seem to be possible descriptions of an actual human
being.
As with Hermes (or with
Jesus or any other "hero," for that matter), the stories or legends
surrounding Merlin's birth and childhood are significant. In the first
vernacular version of the Merlin story, Robert de Boron84 tells of the devils
plotting to undo the work of Christ by "incarnating" one of their own
a kind of "Anti-Christ. One of the devils impregnates a virgin at night,
conceiving Merlin. Realizing what has happened, the girl confesses to her
priest who sprinkles her with holy water thus breaking the devil's power over
her and her child. So although Merlin is born of a devil father and a virgin
mother (and thus from the very beginning is a union of opposites), his overall
impact is for good. This is confirmed by the story, also related by Robert de
Boron, that when Merlin was 18 months old he saved his mother's life by
speaking out
eloquently and
prophetically when his mother was on trial for having borne him.
At the age of seven,
according to Geoffrey of Monmouth, Merlin was brought before King Vortigern.
The king had been told that the walls of his tower, which kept collapsing,
would stand firm if their mortar were mixed with the blood of a fatherless boy.
Merlin, of course, was "fatherless. Because of his clairvoyant powers,
however, Merlin was able to tell the king that if he would dig beneath the
tower he would find the true cause of the tower's collapse: two dragons
fighting, a red one and a white one again, a struggle of opposites. As Gollnick
puts it, "Merlin is represented here as the wise child. He has the ability
to see into the depths and to diagnose the roots of a problem that cannot or
will not be seen on the surface."85 Because of his power to see and
confront the opposites, whether in the psyche or in the external world, Merlin
is able to transform situations. The "opposites," however, are within
him as well. Jung wrote:
Just as all archetypes have a positive,
favourable, bright side that points upwards, so also they have one that points
downwards, partly negative and unfavourable, partly chthonic .... witness the
extremely instructive figure of Merlin ....86
Of course, it is
instructive that so often even those actions which may seem at first to be
"negative" turn out to be seen as positive, as celebrated by the
concept of the felix culpa in Christian theology. An example of this in the
Merlin stories is when Merlin deceives Igraine into thinking that Uther
Pendragon is her husband. The product of their illicit sex is, of course,
Arthur. Merlin, like all magicians, is a deceiver. But he also has a
"bright" and "positive" side. As von Franz puts it,
"... those primal opposites which the Christian teaching has torn apart
into an unresolvable conflict exist together in his nature."87
Two final stories about Merlin may help balance
his magical powers with his more human side. According to Geoffrey's Vita
Merlini, Merlin goes mad after a great battle in which he kills his nephew and
withdraws to the Caledonian Forest, becoming a kind of wild man.
The second story which shows
Merlin's "human" side, and one which seems to have particularly
impressed Jung, is Merlin's falling in love with the mysterious "Lady of
the Lake" (variously identified as Viviane, or Vivien, sometimes as Niniane,
or Nimiane or Nymus or Nimu”).88 This "lady" eventually imprisons
Merlin forever in a tower, showing that even a great magician is not immune to
anima projections ("because she sums up everything that a man can never
get the better of and never finishes coping with"89). As Jung writes in
discussing a particular fairy tale, In that case the hero has been wafted out
of the profane world through his encounter with the anima, like Merlin by his
fairy: as an ordinary man he is like one caught in a marvellous dream, viewing
the world through a veil of mist.90 One thinks in this connection, naturally,
of Jung's own experience of "poetry" with Sabina Spielrein.
"Human, all-too-human."
According to legend, Merlin's mysterious call
continued to be heard in the forest during the last years of his life. Von
Franz acknowledges the importance of this image for Jung by calling the final
chapter of her C.G. Jung: His Myth in Our Time "Le Cri de Merlin."91
And Jung himself wrote the following about the large stone which he carved at
his Bolligen "Tower" in connection with his seventy-fifth birthday:
The stone stands outside the Tower, and is like
an explanation of it. It is a manifestation of the occupant, but one which
remains incomprehensible to others. Do you know what I wanted to chisel into
the back face of the stone? "Le cri de Merlin!" For what the stone
expressed reminded me of Merlin's life in the forest, after he had vanished
from the world. Men still hear his cries, so the legend runs, but they cannot
understand or interpret them.92
Houdini
The final figure I have
selected for this "gathering of magicians," is Harry Houdini. Born
Erich Weiss in Hungary in 1874, he moved to America with his parents when he
was still a child.93 He changed his name to "Houdini" to honor the
popular and creative French magician Jean Eug ne Robert-Houdin (1805-71).
Before the recent fame of another American magician, David Copperfield, Houdini
was clearly the most
famous conjuror in history. (One evidence of his
influence is the large number of performing magicians who have adopted stage
names ending in "-ini" since his death.)
Like Jung and many others in
this period, Houdini (who was born one year prior to Jung) had a life-long
interest in spiritualism and the occult. But where Jung attempted to find the
sources of such manifestations in the psyche, Houdini first attempted to
replicate them, then to debunk them,94 and then, desperately, to use them to
make contact with the dead. Rogan Taylor writes of Houdini:
At the height of his career, he was loved, even
worshipped, by literally millions of people in Europe and America. Whatever it
was about Houdini and his feats that so impressed the minds of his faithful
followers, that power seems hardly to have waned at all. Houdini still casts an
irresistible shadow, and long after his death [in 1926], his name remains a
household word. He captured the imaginations not only of his contemporaries,
but also of successive generations who never even witnessed any of his stupendous
feats. He is a modern myth, a true showbiz shaman of our time.95
Houdini was fascinated by
magic as a boy and began his stage career performing rather standard tricks. He
was inspired by the famous stage magicians of the recent past, Hermann the
Great and Harry Kellar in addition to Robert-Houdin, and he desperately wanted to
be "great" himself, but it was some time before he found the approach
which led to his special fame. As his biographer put it, "He was convinced
that he had some role to play but could not work out what it was."96 The
key came through his interest in spiritualist saances.
In the typical spiritualist s’ance of Houdini's
time, the so-called medium would be securely tired up with ropes prior to the
darkening of the s’ance room or the closing of the "spirit cabinet.
Nevertheless, drums and trumpets would sound and people would be touched by
"spirit hands. Houdini soon learned that the secret of such performances
was that the mediums had ways to free themselves and then re-tie themselves. He
set himself the goal of becoming history's greatest escape artist. He succeeded
in doing just this.
What Houdini did not know
at the time that he set himself this goal was that escaping from restraints was
a typical shamanistic demonstration. According to Rogan Taylor, again,
"The escapology trick is one of the most ancient and potent symbols of the
drama and the dilemma of human existence. We are bound in our bodies. How can
we escape? Consequently, escapology is also one of the most frequently
occurring feats performed during shamanistic healing magic all over the
world."97 Regardless of whether the shaman literally demonstrates his
ability to escape, he must convince his audience that he has undergone an
initiation in the Underworld or on a different plane of existence and has
returned healed. He must convince his audience that healing escape from sickness
is possible for them as well through his help.
Although Houdini remained
unfamiliar with this shamanistic context for his art, His shows contained such
an ancient and powerful healing drama that his contemporaries found them as
fascinating, moving and "therapeutic" as their nomadic forebears had
done ten thousand years before. Houdini's escapology was, in essence, a healing
rite which the demon-possessed modern Westerners avidly attended in the hope of
a dramatic exorcism. ... [T]he effect of these feats lies less on visual
stimulation than on their impact on the inner lives of the watchers. The
audiences identified with him totally and shared every minute of his ordeal.
When Houdini got free, everybody got free.98
One of Houdini's most famous
stage tricks was the illusion known as Metamorphosis, sometimes referred to as
"the substitution trunk. In this trick the magician is bound with
restraints such as ropes or handcuffs and locked in a large trunk. His assistant
holds a curtain in front of the trunk and in a matter of seconds the curtain is
dropped and the magician, now freed from the restraints, is standing there. The
assistant (in Houdini's case, his wife, Bess) is found, tightly bound, inside
the trunk. Versions of this trick have become a standard part of stage magic
shows since Houdini's time. (Coincidentally, given our focus on the magician as
archetype, the most famous current performers of this effect are "The
Pendragons.") But with Metamorphosis the most striking thing for Houdini
was not the reaction of his audience, it was his own
reaction: performing the
trick gave Houdini the feeling that he had left his body. Despite knowing full
well that it was "only a trick," Houdini felt that a genuine miracle
had occurred. As Taylor puts it, It is fascinating that a trick that, in its
original context, was designed to point towards the ecstatic experiences of the
shaman, should actually begin to create such experiences. Houdini was, as it
were, working backwards, starting with the tricks and ending up with the
supernatural experiences, instead of the other way around. ... Houdini was
baffled by his own experiences.99
As a performer myself, I have occasionally had
the same feeling. It can happen in many fields, of course. The gymnast who
completes a difficult routine without a hitch and the musician who performs a
demanding piece in a "magical" way can know this same sense of
ecstasy.100 It is rare, but when it happens to the magician, as it did to
Houdini, it raises the question of the relationship between "the two
magics performance magic and ceremonial magic."101
As a result of such
experiences, Houdini became obsessed with his search for "real"
magic. He collected thousands upon thousands of books about magic and the
occult (books which are now housed in a special collection at the Library of
Congress in Washington, D.C.). As Taylor, poignantly, describes Houdini's
library: It was like an occult version of Citizen Kane's vast collection of
European art, only Houdini was gathering together all the desperate fragments
of literature reflecting Europe's longstanding obsession with magic. Houdini
plumbed the European unconscious in his search for a genuine tradition in which
to find a home. But he never found it.102
Lacking the context of a
spiritual "home" or tradition, Houdini's inner life took a rather
morbid turn. He had long since achieved both fame and wealth. And he had
escaped from all the locks, ropes and jails that both America and Europe had to
offer. What he could not escape from, however, was has dependence on his
mother. Bizarre as it may seem, he was never concerned with the possibility of
his own death, despite the fact that he often risked his life with his
spectacular escapes. Nor was he concerned with the possible death of his wife.
He was, however, obsessed with the thought that his beloved mother would die
before him and that her death would drive him insane. (It is for this reason
that one of his most interesting biographies is titled Death and the
Magician.103) Because of this fear of his mother's death and his belief he
would inevitably go mad, Houdini visited the local psychiatric hospitals, then
called "lunatic asylums," of course, in all the major cities where he
performed. (As a result of these visits he developed several famous escapes
from the psychiatric restraints of those days, the strait-jacket, for example.)
He also visited graveyards, being especially interested in the graves of
suicides.
When his mother did die, in
1908, Houdini collapsed. Afterward, he visited her grave every day and would
lie face down on it hoping to receive a message from her. Despite his public
attacks on spiritualist mediums, Houdini began seeking out mediums who might
help him make contact with his mother. When no such contact came, Houdini made
pacts with those around him, arranging secret codes and signs which could be
used to prove communication after his own death. For fifty years following
Houdini's death on Halloween 1926, an annual seance was held for his family and
friends. After fifty years without success, the seances were discontinued.
As the rabbi said at his graveside, Houdini
possessed a power which he himself had never understood. In another culture he
might have become a shaman. Given still another background, he might have
become an innovative and powerful therapist. He was clearly a
"superstar," perhaps the first. But he failed to find a framework in
which to make full sense of his gifts or his life.
And yet, as Eugene Burger
writes, "This image of freedom from bondage, in whatever form, is a
powerful one indeed."104 And Houdini's success and a huge success it was
was due "to the great power of the mythical (if not archetypal) character
he was portraying namely, the 'Man No Chains Can Hold.'"105
The phrase "if not
archetypal" in the above quotation is echoed in the most recent biography
of Houdini which I have read. In her 1993 work The Life and Many Deaths of
Harry Houdini, Ruth Brandon quotes Jung
on "the primordial images of the
unconscious" and then concludes, Houdini, in his (literally) death-defying
stunts, brought this 'primordial image' to the level of conscious experience,
both for himself and on behalf of his audience.
That was real magic.106
Indeed.
V. TOOLS OF THE TRADE
Magic Wand
Hermes, the Tarot magician, and Merlin all used
wands. Houdini, once he began to specialize in escapes, did not. Still, the
magic wand is clearly the most widespread of the various "tools"
and/or "badges" associated with the magician. What, then, might it
mean?
An Illustrated Encyclopaedia of Traditional
Symbols contains the following entry: Wand -- Power; conductor of supernatural
force; an attribute of all magicians, shamans and medicine men. It is
associated symbolically with the mace, sceptre, trident and crozier.107
As we have already seen in
connection with Hermes and with the Tarot magician, the wand represents the
specific power(s) of the magician who possesses it. Its association with the
mace and sceptre, however, adds a new dimension of meaning. Using our imagination,
we can picture primitive man using club and spear to hunt and to kill and then
using these same implements to threaten, that is to attempt to control by
intimidation. From there, that is, from the mace, it would be but a short step
to the scepter, the badge of office of the chief or king. The trident and
crozier would fit the same pattern.
One primary use to the wand
is to point to something and thus to focus attention and energy on it. As with
all magic, this can lead to harm or to good, depending on context and
intention. For example, in Melanesia "pointing the bone" (or stick or
arrow or wand), accompanied by the ritual expression of negative emotion, may
lead to the death of the victim.108 On the other hand, wands can focus
emotional energy in positive ways, as with the fairy godmother's wand, the wand
used by Moses to strike water from the rock, or the wand used by Jesus (see
below) to raise Lazarus from the dead.
Wands have sometimes been
identified with the divining rods used in dowsing. This practice, called
rhabdomancy or rhabdoscopy,109 however, seems less connected with the power
which wands traditionally symbolize than with other means of divination (such as
the use of a pendulum) which amplify one's intuitive responses.110
A more plausible
interpretation of the magician's wand sees it as a type of phallic symbol.
(Indeed, some men who know nothing of symbolism have referred to their penis as
their "magic wand.") The Druids of ancient Britain used wands of
hazel or mistletoe with a pine cone attached to one end. Such a wand was
eventually called the "Priapic wand" in honor of the Greek fertility
god Priapus.111 Perhaps the symbolism here is obvious.112
There are parallels here too between the magician
and his wand and the fool and his scepter or "bauble. And according to
William Willeford, "Attached to the bauble of the European court jester
was often a bladder formed into a clear representation of a phallus."113
This observations about the
"phallic" nature of the magician's wand can be balanced by the claims
of Monica Sjoo and Barbara Mor in their book The Great Cosmic Mother:
Rediscovering the Religion of the Earth.114 Their argument is that the magician's
wand was originally "a women's lunar calendar stick, the first
time-measuring device known, dating from the Ice Age. A male magician or shaman
cannot be magic, i.e., female without it."115 By the phrase "magic,
i.e., female," Sjoo and Mor are referring to such wide-spread practices
among shamans as dressing in women's clothes in order to combine both male and
female powers or energies. So in this sense it would not seem too implausible
for a traditional shaman to employ a "power object" characteristic of
women. They discuss this "wand" again later in their book,
contrasting their view with that of Abbe Breuil (the original investigator of
the Trois Fr res cave paintings and the one who named the central image the
"sorcerer"):
Such sticks appear in Paleolithic cave paintings dating from 50,000
B.C. They are held by women and shamans. (And later became the magician's
wand.) Abbe Breuil named this stick, le baton de commandement, suggesting it
was an insignia of male rulership or power. But in fact, as a lunar measuring
instrument, the stick derives from women's earliest moon-phase engravings on
rock and bone.116 All of our reflections on the Paleolithic cave paintings must
remain speculative, of course. Still, it is true that it is a tradition for the
shaman to combine qualities of both male and female, a tradition similar to the
Jungian stress on developing a relationship with one's contrasexual side, anima
or animus, so such speculations are interesting.117
As we can easily imagine, Christ has often been
viewed as a kind of magician.118 And many older illustrations show Jesus using
a magic wand of some kind to perform his miracles. For example, this Fourth
Century image from the Vatican library shows Jesus raising Lazarus from the
dead by touching him with a type of wand.119
While ceremonial magicians use wands as a symbol
of their power or authority, performing magicians have often used their wands
to help them accomplish magic tricks. Many special "gimmicked" wands
have been available over the centuries, some of which are still sold in magic
shops.120 These wands may, for example, levitate or change their own appearance
in some way (say, by changing color). They may also aid in the producing,
vanishing, or transforming of some other object. And magic wands may also
assist the conjuror to "misdirect" the attention of the audience in
various ways.
And then, of course, the
expression "magic wand" is a relatively common metaphor in European
languages. Here it is mostly just a figure of speech, but one with an
archetypal background (as many figures of speech have).121 For example, Jung
wrote to Karl Kerínyi, praising his interpretations of Greek mythology:
"You touch the fragments with the magic wand of your intuition, and
behold! they fly together into recognizable figures."122
Magic Words
When asked if they know any magic words, the
average speaker of English today will answer with either
"abracadabra" or "hocus pocus" and, in fact, these words
each have a long history.
The Herder Symbol
Dictionary contains the following entry:
Abracadabra It is a magical
word that appeared in late Greek writings and was probably related to Abraxas
[the name of the God of the Year]. It was used as an amulet inscription,
primarily to vanquish illness.123 In this entry, the origin and meaning of the
word is not given. Aryeh Kaplan, however, gives the meaning as "I will
create as I speak" (ABRA K'ADaBRA).124 This translation clearly
underscores the power that magicians attribute to the act of speaking. This is,
of course, evident from the Genesis account of the creation of the world:
"And God said, 'Let there be light.'"
This particular magic word
was often written as an inverted triangle, as follows:
A B R A C A D A B R A
A B R A C A D A B R
A B R A C A D A B
A B R A C A D A
A B R A C A D
A B R A C A
A B R A C
A B R A
A B R
A B
A
Just why it is/was written this way I have not
seen explained. This arrangement, while visually interesting, is not anything
like the traditional "Sator Arepo" magical square device which was
also often used on magical amulets.125
"Hocus Pocus" is
usually explained in one of two different ways. On the one hand, it is often
alleged to come from the words hoc est corpus in the Latin mass "this is
the body" (of Christ) or hoc est corpus (meum), "this is (my) body."126
If this is so, it reflects a recognition of the magical transformation aspect
in the mass as well, perhaps, an intentional parody of "ecclesiastical
magic. On the other hand, however, it sometimes alleged to come from the name
of a famous magician. Who's Who in Magic confirms that this was the [s]tage
name of the leading conjurer in England during the reign of King James
(1603-25), as reported by both Ben Jonson (in 1625 & 1632, spelling his
name both "Hocos Pokos" & "Hokos-pokos") & Thomas
Ady (in 1656).127 However, given that Reginald Scot mentions the use of
"hocus pocus" as a magic word in his 1584 book The Discouerie of
Witchcraft, it seems likely the 17th century performer by that name simply
adopted the already existing words as his stage name.
Another bit of evidence which seems to support
the view at the Latin mass rather than a particular popular performer is the
source of this word is that "hocus pocus" is known in almost all the
European languages,128 something which the "hoc est corpus" theory
could easily explain.
In any case, "hocus
pocus" as an accompaniment of magic has a long history.129
The very strangeness of magic words like
"abracadabra" and "hocus pocus" may also be part of their
charm. As Jung writes in discussing "our dependence on words,"
Because words are substitutes for things, which
of course they cannot be in reality, they take on intensified forms, become
eccentric, outlandish, stupendous, swell up into what schizophrenic patients
call "power words. A primitive word-magic develops, and one is
inordinately impressed by it because anything out of the ordinary is felt to be
especially profound and significant.130 And Jung elsewhere refers to the
"unintelligible incantations" used in magic.131
Perhaps the primary use of
magic words, however, is in the type of ritual known as "casting a spell.
According to Malinowski, "the most important element in magic is the
spell."132 He analyses the words or sounds involved in terms of their
phonetic effect (as for example when the wailing of the wind or the sea is
onomatopoeically invoked), their stating or commanding the desired aim (cf.
"hoc est corpus" above!), and their mythological allusions (for
example, the history and traditions of the people involved). Because of the
complexity of all this, Malinowski argues, "The slightest alteration from
the original pattern would be fatal."133
Each culture will have its own set of spells,
naturally. However, the range of the purposes for which spells have been cast
is remarkable. Included are virtually all things which humans might desire but
have difficulty obtaining. For instance, in just one ancient culture there were
spells for memory, for foreknowledge, for attracting love, for restraining
anger, for producing a trance, for inducing insomnia (presumably in others!),
for keeping bugs out of the house, for requesting a dream oracle, and for gaining
control on one's shadow (although not, presumably, in the Jungian sense), along
with many others.134 There were also, naturally, spells to protect one from
spells cast by others.
Note also that to be "magic" words do
not have to have a mysterious sound, an esoteric meaning, or a special history.
Robert Neale provides a moving example of this in his chapter "Many
Magics" in the book Magic and Meaning:
Magic occurs between parent
and child. I recall awful nights as a fledgling father with a crying infant, my
first child. Night after night, she would scream and I would yell just as
wildly in my mind. But magic occurred. Sometimes, I would pick her up, hold her
close to me and say, "It is all right. It is all right. This is
word magic. It was not all
right from the everyday-life point of view. She was miserable and I was too.
Besides, she could not understand what I said. Furthermore, I could not
understand it either. But both of us were made content. "It is all right.
That was a conviction about her, me, our relationship and our future. This is
very basic magic. Many years later, I spent six months in a hospice, caring for
those who were dying. They did die, and they did so while I was in their
company, sitting beside them, often holding their hands or resting my hand on
their shoulders. As I sat for hours and watched them die, it became clear that,
you guessed it, "Everything was all right. How could this be? It was not
all right. The person might be young with a family and career. The person might
be older and have serious issues about their lives that were unresolved. And I
was not very all right myself in my life, family and work. Even so, I said,
"Everything is all right," and it was so. At the end, as well as at
the beginning, of life, such primary life magic is commonplace.135 Our words
can make a difference. We are all magicians.
Magic Circle
According the Herder Symbol
Dictionary,
In magical practices, the
circle is valued as an effective symbol of protection against evil spirits,
demons, etc.; the protective function ascribed to such items as the belt, ...
ring, hoop, and circular amulet probably derives from the symbolic value of the
circle.136 So in this sense a magic circle is what in German would be called a
"Bannkreis," a circle which keeps something out, which
"bans" or "banishes" it. This seems to be the idea behind
the image below, showing Faustus within his magic circle and Mephistopheles
being kept at bay.137
In the novel The Last
Temptation of Christ, Kazantzakis has Jesus draw a circle around himself in the
sand when he has to confront his tempters. In Dracula there is a similar image
of the circle as magical
protection. And the Handw3/4rterbuch
des Deutschen Aberglaubens reports a wide variety of similar practices.138 In
his Tavistock Lectures, Jung mentions the customs of making a magic circle
around a field both when digging for a treasure and when protecting the
harvest.139
But there is also a sense
in which a magic circle serves to keep something in. The Dictionary of Symbols
and Imagery, for example, describes the magic circle as "a circle of nine
feet: the area within which the magician has contact with a spirit, and which
he cannot leave before he has broken the spell."140 In both traditional
and so-called "Neo-Pagan" rituals, the "casting of the
circle" serves mainly to keep a certain energy or focus within the
gathering rather than to protect against "evil" forces from outside.
Of course, a magic circle often has both the
function of keeping something out and keeping something else in. Circles as
such can always do both whether they are "circles of friends" or
circles of barbed wire. Again, as Jung puts it,
The vas bene clausum (well-sealed vessel) is a
precautionary measure very frequently mentioned in alchemy, and is the
equivalent of the magic circle. In both cases the idea is to protect what is
within from what is without, as well as to prevent it from escaping.141
When the Berlin Wall was
erected in 1961 I happened to be in Europe and I visited Berlin to see this
wall. The Western press had only mentioned the wall as an attempt by East
Germany to keep its citizens from escaping. The rationale I was given in East Berlin,
however, was that it was more an attempt to keep out the pernicious influence
of Western European culture. Although I doubted that this was the real reason
for the wall, it did strike me at the time that walls actually do both.
Of course the magic circle
of the magician as shaman and as conjuror is the area in which his
"performance" takes place, whether it be a simple clearing or a
formal stage. The function of having a well-defined space of this sort is to
focus the attention of the spectators or participants and to show that
something special is to happen here. In this sense, the circle or stage is
similar to putting a frame around a
painting and hanging it on
the wall, a point returned to in the discussion of "audience," below.
A related way of conceptualizing the function of
the magic circle is to imagine it dividing the secular from the sacred or the
ordinary from the extraordinary. This is expressed in a quote from The Magician
Within by Robert Moore and Douglas Gillette:
Ancient cities were sacred
spaces, usually roughly (and sometimes precisely) circular by design, with the
palace-temple complex always located at the circle's center. Thus the King
dwelt at the organizing center, from which the created world radiates. Sacred
mountains, sacred trees, and inner sanctums all were the "power
spots" through which an energy exchange took place between the various
dimensions of reality. The center was always bounded and contained by
impregnable walls or "magic circles" or some other device designed to
separate ordinary from extraordinary time and space.142
The concept of the "temenos," so
important to our understanding of the process of Jungian analysis, is clearly
related to this function and will be returned to in the next chapter.
Audience
It is, of course, possible for ceremonial magic
to take place in private. In such a case, the magician will either be
attempting to affect himself (or something in his surroundings) or he will be
addressing his magic to some spiritual power, such as God. In the typical case
of magic, however, an audience of some kind is assumed. Hermes, the Tarot
magician, Merlin and Houdini all work their wonders before an audience. Why and
how is this significant?
Just as magic circle and the performer's stage
set off the realm of magic from the ordinary, secular world, so too does the
presence of an audience contribute to the success of magic of all kinds.
Magic, both ceremonial and
performing, is, after all, a kind of theater. And theater people are very
familiar with "the roar of the crowd" and its effect on the
performance. Having an audience is not just incidental. Metaphorically if not
literally, there is a reciprocal flow of energy between the performer and the
audience. This must be so if the performance is to be successful at least.143
For there to a spectacle there must be
spectators. Shamans and magicians have long realized this and have devote
considerable attention to gathering and preparing (or "conditioning")
their spectators.
Because shamans use ecstatic techniques (such as
drumming, chanting, and, often, drugs), it is often the case that, as Rogan
Taylor writes,
... the psychological fusion
between the shaman and his people is almost total and discrimination between
the performer and the audience becomes almost impossible. ... In the
sophisticated civilisations the very definition of an "audience" revolves
around an increasing discrimination between performers and onlookers. It is
really only when the onlookers no longer know the mystery which lies behind the
performance, and to which it constantly refers, that they become an audience.
In certain contexts, it might be true to say that the audience only comes into
existence when it stops taking the same drugs as the performers.144 And when
all are "in on the secret," they are colleagues or comrades, members
of the same "community" or "tribe."
In general, for there to be
a distinction between performer and audience there must be some way of marking
the one off from the other, some way of showing that we are confronting a
performance or a work of art. The frame around a painting and the pedestal
under a piece of sculpture show is this, for example.
It has long been recognized
by aestheticians, of course, that the stage with its proscenium arch (or the
circular platform of theater-in-the-round) is analogous to the frame around a
painting: it makes the statement, "This before you is a performance/a work
of art. And because of this we take a different attitude
towards what we are given.
A concept related to this is the changing of the
frame or framework in which something is understood. Thus both psychotherapists
and negotiators speak of "re-framing" an issue.145 Part of Jungian
analysis consists in doing just this.
VI. THE ANALYST AS MAGICIAN
Jung's way of approaching
the psyche was distinctive in its heavy use of imagery. As he once put it:
In describing the living processes of the psyche,
I deliberately and consciously give preference to a dramatic, mythological way
of thinking and speaking, because this is not only more expressive but also
more exact than an abstract scientific terminology, which is wont to toy with
the notion that its theoretic formulations may one fine day be resolved into
algebraic equations.146 So the idea of trying to understand the Jungian analyst
better by considering him or her as a kind of "magician" is in
keeping with the approach encouraged by Jung. He himself once referred to
"the psyche and its box of conjuring tricks" and was personally fond
of magic shows.147
Therapists of many schools have already looked
for connections between magic and psychopathology and between magic and
psychotherapy.148 Rather than summarize their suggestions here, I shall offer
some thoughts based on my own observations.
What about the goal(s) of analysis itself?
Freud's remark that his goal was to transform neurotic suffering into ordinary
sadness comes to mind. But to stay with the magician metaphor, one Jungian has
described the process as "how bewitchment is transformed into
enchantment."149
In discussing the
"mana personality" in Chapter III above, I quoted Jung's remark about
"the well-known archetype of the mighty man in the form of hero, chief,
magician, medicine-man, saint, the ruler of men and spirits, the friend of God."150
In one sense, of course, there are saints and heros. But to a large extent such
titles are the results of projection, that process "by which a subjective
content becomes alienated from the subject and is, so to speak, embodied in the
object."151 So, as has been said, considering another person as a
"magician" involves projection. In analysis, the analysand's
projections on the analyst are referred to as "transference" and as
we shall see (and as we might well expect), seeing the analyst as a kind of
magician is not uncommon.
Such projections are
sometimes helpful to the process of analysis, but not always. Jung writes:
One of the greatest hindrances to understanding
is the projection of the shaman the savior. As soon as you are elevated to such
a rank, you are powerless, lost in a sea of mist. ... You are just as unable to
perform miracles as a shaman as a rule is.152
To give structure to the present chapter, I
divide it into sections related to the "tools of the trade" discussed
in Chapter V: Wand, Words, Circle, and Audience.
Wand
In "A Study in the Process of
Individuation," Jung tells how his patient was overcome by a fantasy-image
as she was trying to paint a landscape:
... she saw herself with the lower half of her
body in the earth, stuck fast in a block of rock. The region round about was a
beach strewn with boulders. In the background was the sea. She felt caught and
helpless. Then she suddenly saw me in the guise of a medieval sorcerer. She
shouted for help, I came along and touched the rock with a magic wand. The
stone instantly burst open, and she stepped out uninjured.153 And the resulting
painting of this situation which she brought to Jung has become famous in its
own right.
But how are we to
understand this "magic wand" being used? Like the drum of the shaman,
the wand of the magician is both a badge of office and a tool to assist in
transformation. The wand focuses the magician's power so that, as in Jung's
patient's dream, that which the magician touches with his wand is changed.
In the above case, the patient's dream credits
the analyst with possessing such a wand. In a different case, we might imagine
the analyst asking a client who is "stuck" and cannot imagine how
things might change, "If we had a magic wand, what could we do with
it?" (The analyst might, of course, have said, "I" instead of
"we" or, perhaps, "you.") Such a fantasy of having a wand
could, with the right client at the right time, stimulate the imagination in a
helpful way.154
In general, such techniques resemble the
"active imagination" which Jung recommended, a topic which others
have begun to explore.155
With other clients, of course, the above
techniques might be more likely to stimulate a regression to a level of
passivity and "magical thinking. A colleague told me of saying to such a
client (presumably in a moment of frustration), "I don't have a magic
wand, you know."
Words
In Jungian analysis the typical therapeutic
intervention is with words. (Actions, of course, such as declining to answer
the telephone during a session, can also be important; but this is not as
"typical" as the use of words.)
Russell Lockhart begins his
stimulating essay "Words as Eggs" by quoting Leonard Cohen:
I've been listening to all
the dissension I've been listening to all the pain.
And I know that no matter
what I do
It'll all come back to you
again.
But I think that I can heal
it
But I think that I can heal
it
I'm a fool, but I think
that I can heal it
With this song.
Lockhart then continues: As an analyst, I, too,
hear stories of dissension and pain. And, yes, I know, too, that no matter what
I say or do this pain will come back again. Yet, in face of this inevitable
return, the poet and analyst share a common vision, a common hope. Like the
poet, the analyst, too, is a fool and feels that this pain and dissension can
be touched and healed with his particular form of song: the curing word, the
healing speech, the therapy of the word we call psychotherapy.156
In discussing magic words in the previous
chapter, I cited Robert Neale's use of the words "it is all right. Now I
provide three clinical examples, but examples from sessions where I was the
analysand rather than the analyst.
First example: In the
"acknowledgements" section at the beginning of this thesis, I
referred to one example of an analyst's words which proved magical. In
discussing my associations to a dream in which I was traveling first class, my
analyst simply asked, "And what would it mean to go 'first class.'"
The result was a breakthrough in my thinking about my life.
Second example: Prior to my
beginning in Jungian analysis, I saw a Freudian for "psychoanalytic
psychotherapy" for several years. For one session I arrived terribly upset
and told him that my pre-teenaged daughter had been sitting in my car, had
accidentally released the parking brake, and I had witnessed the nightmare-ish
scene of the car with my daughter rolling backwards down a hill and crashing
into a tree. Although no one was injured and the car was insured, I remained
quite upset. My analyst simply
said, "Thank God she
wasn't hurt. And his words transformed the situation for me.
Third example: I have
noticed that many times during my years with my current analyst I have resisted
doing (or even feeling) things which conflicted with my previously
"set" ways of looking at the world. Sometimes, in such instances, I
would fantasize about some new way of acting or of understanding a situation.
My analyst's words, "And why not?" were often the key which opened
new possibilities for me. Like magic.
Circle
The "magic circle" discussed in the
previous chapter has its counterpart in the Jungian concept of the "temenos.
The Greeks used this concept to mean a sacred, protected space, such as in a
temple a place where the divine presence can be safely felt. Jung and his
followers applied this notion to the analyst's consulting room.
In addition to the magic
circle as temenos, there is another sense of circle which is relevant here: the
mandala, the type of geometric figure usually involving both circle and square.
Such images can appear spontaneously in dreams and paintings and have often
been employed in traditional meditation practices. But whether produced by the
client or offered in some way by the analyst, working with mandalas can be
healing and "magical. Jung writes:
... mandalas mostly appear
in connection with chaotic psychic states of disorientation or panic. They then
have the purpose of reducing the confusion to order, though this is never the
conscious intention of the patient. At all events they express order, balance,
and wholeness. Patients themselves often emphasize the beneficial or soothing
effect of such pictures. ... Most mandalas have an intuitive, irrational
character and, through their symbolical content, exert a retroactive influence
on the unconscious. They therefore possess a "magical" significance
....157
One final sense of "circle" comes to
mind in connection with the practice of analysis: the analyst's own
"circle" of friends and colleagues. Perhaps it goes without saying
that analysts who lack such a circle risk falling into a form of
"co-dependency" with their clients simply due to the human need for
contact with others. And it is also clear that consultation with one's
professional colleagues can help one escape that other kind of circle, the
"vicious circle," of limited imagination and understanding.
Unfortunately, it is also
true that some Jungians see themselves as part of a circle of what might be
called "the elect" in comparison with other psychotherapists. In such
circles, "The term 'analyst' is used repeatedly ... in a special, almost
magical, sense to separate such individuals from other
psychotherapists."158 So we see here again the danger of inflation.
Audience
Two senses of "audience" may well
concern the analyst: the analysand as a kind of "audience" in the
analytic hour and the public in general as a kind of "audience" for
the insights and concepts which arise from the Jungian tradition. Some comments
about each.
In a way, the analytic relationship involves
"an audience of one," to use a phrase suggested by Rogan Taylor.159
Sometimes, but not always, it is the analysand who is the audience. At other
times it is the analyst. After all, listening is one of the characteristic
activities of the analyst. And yet even listening is part of the role of the
analyst, part of his or her performance if you will. To be fully present in the
analytic hour the analyst must be "on" and have "stage energy,"
as actors might say.
The analyst's relation to a
broader, public audience is also significant. Some analysts (James Hillman and
Verena Kast come to mind) have chosen to discontinue seeing individual
analysands so as to concentrate on
writing and speaking for a broader audience.
Other analysts try to combine their work with individuals with their concern
for larger groups. Some analysts, of course, limit their activity to working
with their individual clients. Still, the concept of having an audience to
connect to is important.
Having an "audience of
one" rather than a larger audience has economic implications as well.
Being in analysis is a major expense for most analysands, something like having
"private lessons" with a master teacher rather than taking group
lessons in a public institution or private lessons from a more
"ordinary" teacher. If the audience for Jungian analysis and insights
is not to be limited to the financial elite, perhaps more conscious attention
needs to be given to various types of Jungian group work and to the creative
use of new media as well as to the traditional work of the analyst.
Finally, the suggestion that
we look at the analyst as a type of magician raises the interesting question of
whether the basis of analysis, the theories of Jung himself, need to be true
for the "magic" to work. There is evidence from the field of magic
itself that all that is necessary is that the persons involved believe in the
process in order for it to work. (Perhaps something similar is true of the
healing power of prayer.) There is no question but that the psyche is
remarkable and only partly understood. So perhaps this comment from Richard
Smith can be somewhat reassuring to us as analysts:
Given the extraordinary
ability of the human mind to make sense out of things, it is natural
occasionally to make sense out of things that have no sense at all.160 This
does not mean that we can offer suggested interpretations of dreams in some
random or unprincipled way, only that a motivated analysand, being human, may
well accept and make sense of things we say regardless of the truth or falsity
of the theory behind them. Much magic is based on this fact. It is a fact. So
analysts can surely afford to recognize it and to accept that the analytic
process may work better because of it. This is one more way of learning from
the magician. (As one recent writer has put it, "the history of medical
treatment until relatively recently is the history of the placebo
effect."161 And, given the demonstrated effectiveness of the placebo even
today, one might well question the physician who refused the use of placebos.)
But now, really, what is analysis and how can
thinking about "magicians" help us understand the process? Michael
Harner quotes Albert Schweitzer as having observed,
The witch doctor succeeds for the same reason all
the rest of us [doctors] succeed. Each patient carries his own doctor inside
him. They come to us not knowing this truth. We are at our best when we give
the doctor who resides within each patient a chance to go to work.162 Or, as a
different writer put it, "Somewhere along the way our inner Magician is
awakened ...."163
VII. CONCLUSION
The data and the arguments presented in this
thesis constitute an extended circumambulation of the image of
"magician" in the human psyche. Perhaps the examples of magicians and
their tools which have been discussed will find some echo in the psyche of the
reader. Perhaps, too, the suggestions of ways in which analysts are magicians
will prove stimulating to those working in this field.164 In the final
analysis, however, there remains something mysterious about the psyche and its
images just as with magic and magicians. I began this thesis with a reference
to my father taking me as a boy to the meetings of the International
Brotherhood of Magicians. Let me end with another personal story.
I first visited Zürich in
the summer of 1961, just after Jung had died. I went to the Jung Institute on
the Gemeindestrasse, the very building where I have now lived for the past two
years, but somehow I was afraid to enter. "What would I say?" I asked
myself. Many years later I returned to Zürich and visited the Institute, which
by this time had moved to Küsnacht. This time I arranged interviews with
several Zürich analysts to discuss my interest in the training program. One of
these was Dr. Hilde Binswanger. We spent an hour discussing the training
program at the Institute and my insecurities about giving up my career as a
philosophy professor to enter it, feeling somehow embarrassed about making such
a major change in my life. Finally she said to me: "Jung used to say,
'Follow your Schlange, follow your snake.'"
I took her advice, and my ĆSchlangeŘ led me back
and forth between America and Zürich for many years until now I find myself at
the end of this training program. During my ten semesters of training I never
found a passage where Jung wrote about "following one's snake," but
then just as I was finishing this thesis I noticed a reference in the index to
Jung's Collected Works under "wand, magic": "see also
caduceus" that is, the magic wand of Hermes, Asclepius and others. And in
looking this up I found the following passage, with which I end this thesis:
... the right way to
wholeness is made up, unfortunately, of fateful detours and wrong turnings. It
is a longissima via, not straight but snakelike, a path that unites the
opposites in the manner of the guiding caduceus, a path whose labyrinthine
twists and turns are not lacking in terrors.165 And in rewards.
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FOOTNOTES
1 These general, intellectual issues about magic
are explored in many existing publications. Especially recommended are: James
George Frazer, The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (New York:
Macmillan, 1922); Marcel Mauss, A General Theory of Magic (London: Routledge
& Kegan Paul, 1972), first published, in French, in 1950; Eusebe Salverte,
The Philosophy of Magic (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1847), first
published, in French, in 1829.
2 My father, Sylvester Granrose, was born in
Helsinki in 1895, went to the United States with his parents and sister when he
was five years old, and died in Miami in 1958. At the time of his death I was
18. He was an athlete, representing the U.S. in the 1920 Olympic Games, and
eventually became a professional swimming teacher. Performing "magic
tricks" was his life-long avocation.
3 Dream from August 29,
1995, used with permission. My translation.
4 Since I do not return to
this general question of magic in history and in different cultures later in
this thesis, I mention several important sources here for the interested
reader: Works by conjurors: Milbourne Christopher, The Illustrated History of
Magic (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1973). John Mulholland, Magic of the World
(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1965). James Randi, Conjuring (New York:
St. Martin's Press, 1992). Works by academic scholars: W.B. Crow, A History of
Magic, Witchcraft and Occultism (London: Sphere Books, 1972). James Hastings
(ed.), Encyclopĺdia of Religion and Ethics (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark,
1926), article on Magic, Vol. 8, pp. 245-321. Francis King, Magic: The Western
Tradition (London: Thames and Hudson, 1975). Jeffrey B. Russell, A History of
Witchcraft, Sorcerers, Heretics and Pagans (London: Thames and Hudson, 1980).
5 See, for example, Jung's
remarks in "Religion and Psychology: A Reply to Martin Buber," CW 18,
para. 1506-1507: It should not be overlooked that what I am concerned with are
psychic phenomena which can be proved empirically to be the bases of
metaphysical concepts, and that when, for example, I speak of "God" I
am unable to refer to anything beyond these demonstrable psychic models which,
we have to admit, have shown themselves to be devastatingly real. ... The
"reality of the psyche" is my working hypothesis, and my principal
activity consists in collecting factual material to describe and explain it.
6 Two articles worth reading are: Ernest Gallo,
"Synchronicity and the Archetypes," Skeptical Inquirer, Vol. 18, No.
4 (Summer 1994), pp. 396-403; and Dennis L. Merritt, "Jungian Psychology
and Science A Strained Relationship," The Analytic Life (Boston: Sigo
Press, 1989), pp. 11-31.
7 "Psychological
Aspects of the Mother Archetype," CW 9i, para. 154.
8 "Concerning the
Archetypes and the Anima Concept," CW 9i, para. 136.
9 For a review of these discussions, plus a
sympathetic and plausible account of the nature and origins of archetypes, see
Anthony Stevens, Archetypes: A Natural History of the Self (New York: Quill,
1982). A brief account in German is given in Mario Jacoby, "Die
Archetypen," Du: Die Zeitschrift der Kultur, No. 8 (August 1995), pp.
27-34. For interesting yet unsympathetic accounts, see Don McGowan, What Is
Wrong with Jung (Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1994), pp. 63-87, and Richard
Noll, The Jung Cult: Origins of a Charismatic Movement (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1994), pp. 40-43.
10 For example: "The
magician is the archetype behind a multitude of human professions and
'callings.'" Robert Moore and Douglas Gillette, The Magician Within (New
York: Avon Books, 1993), p. 63. Also, in discussing archetypes as links with
the past, Jung mentions "the preoccupation of the primitive mentality with
certain 'magic' factors, which are nothing less than what we would call
archetypes. "The Psychology of the Child Archetype," CW 9i, para.
271.
11 "The Archetypes of
the Collective Unconscious." CW 7, para. 153, 154.
12 CW 7, para. 143.
13 CW 7, para. 157.
14 In addition to Anthony
Stevens' excellent book Archetypes, cited earlier, there is a detailed
discussion of these issues in Marilyn Nagy, Philosophical Issues in the
Psychology of C.G. Jung (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991), pp.
107-203. A briefer discussion is found in Edmund D. Cohen, C.G. Jung and the
Scientific Attitude (Totowa, NJ: Littlefield, Adams & Co., 1976), pp.
29-38. J.J. Clarke, In Search of Jung: Historical and Philosophical Enquiries
(London: Routledge, 1992), pp. 116-127, also considers these issues carefully.
Finally, some related views of Jung's Burgh3/4lzli
colleague Eugen Bleuler are interestingly discussed in George Windholz,
"Bleuler's Views on Inheritance of Acquired Characteristics and on Psi
Phenomena," Skeptical Inquirer, Vol. 18, No. 3, Spring 1994, pp. 273-279.
15 The Shorter Oxford
English Dictionary (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1933), Vol. II, p. 2108.
16 Verena Kast, The Dynamics of Symbols:
Fundamentals of Jungian Psychotherapy (New York: Fromm International, 1992), p.
10.
17 "On the Relation of
Analytical Psychology to Poetry," CW 15, para 105.
18 Andrew Samuels, Bani Shorter and Fred Plaut, A
Critical Dictionary of Jungian Analysis (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul,
1986), pp. 145-6.
19 For further discussion of
this see "The Two Magics" in Eugene Burger, The Experience of Magic
(New York: Kaufman and Greenberg, 1989), pp. 81-90. For an even more elaborate
taxonomy of magic(s), see Robert Neale's chapter "Many Magics" in
Eugene Burger and Robert E. Neale, Magic and Meaning (Seattle, WA: Hermetic
Press, 1995), pp. 173-189. One simple distinction between two kinds of magic
is: There is magic (with a little "m"): one person knows how it is
done, but nobody else does. There is Magic (with a capital "M"):
nobody knows how it is done; it just happens! Michael Marlin, "Magic with
a Capital 'M,'" Magic: The Independent Magazine for Magicians, Vol. 5, No.
4 (December 1995), p. 26.
20 It should perhaps be
noted that the approach taken in a research paper or thesis of the present sort
is only one way working with our image(s) of the magician. Active imagination,
for example, would lead in other directions. In any case, the limitations of
the "academic" should be kept in mind lest we mistake the map for the
territory. As Hillman writes: "We sin against imagination whenever we ask
our image for its meaning, requiring that images be translated into concepts.
[James Hillman, Revisioning Psychology (New York: Harper and Row, 1975), p.
39.]
21 For example, in "Archetypes of the
Collective Unconscious," CW 9i, para. 71-77, as well as in several other
places.
22 James Hastings (ed.),
Encyclopĺdia of Religion and Ethics (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1930), Vol.
8, p. 245. The derivation in other languages may differ, of course. In Slavic
languages, for example, the Indo-European root wer, meaning "to speak,"
became a word meaning "to lie," then a word meaning
"magician," and then a word meaning "physician. The progression
is interesting. See Russell A. Lockhart, Words as Eggs: Psyche in Language and
Clinic (Dallas: Spring Publications, 1983), p. 100.
23 Ludwig Blau, Das Altjüdische Zauberwesen
(Graz, Austria: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 1974), pp. 23-26.
24 The entry
"Witch" in The Oxford Companion to the Bible, Bruce M. Metzger and
Michael D. Coogan, eds. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 805,
contains the following: Several Hebrew terms are associated with the English
word "witch. These can be translated "sorcerer,"
"sorceress," "medium," or
"necromancer. Most appear in references to
prohibited practices (e.g., Deut. 18:9-11; 2 Kings 23:24) and seem to be
concerned with divination or necromancy. Women may have been especially
involved in such activities since they were excluded from those of the official
cult.
25 Nikolai Tolstoy, The
Quest for Merlin (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1985), pp. 19-20.
26 "On the Psychology
and Pathology of So-called Occult Phenomena," CW 1, para. 1-150.
27 J. Marvin Spiegelman,
"Psychology and the Occult," Spring (1976), p. 116.
28 "The
Mana-Personality," CW 7, para. 374-406.
29 Andrew Samuels, Bani Shorter and Fred Plaut, A
Critical Dictionary of Jungian Analysis (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul,
1986), p. 89.
30 CW 7, para. 388.
31 CW 7, para. 377.
32 The Concise Columbia
Encyclopedia (New York: Avon Books, 1983), p. 768.
33 Michael Harner, The Way
of the Shaman (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1990). First published in 1980.
In his preface to the 1990 edition of this book, Harner writes: Ten years have
passed since the original edition of this book appeared, and they have been
remarkable years indeed for the shamanic renaissance. Before then, shamanism
was rapidly disappearing from the Planet as missionaries, colonists,
governments, and commercial interests overwhelmed tribal peoples and their
ancient cultures. During the last decade, however, shamanism has returned to
human life with startling strength, even to urban strongholds of Western
"civilization," such as New York and Vienna. (p. xi)
34 Mircea Eliade, Shamanism: Archaic Techniques
of Ecstasy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), p. 3.
35 Eliade, p. 5.
36 Jung thought, for example, that it was in
states such as this that myths were originally formed. See "The Psychology
of the Child Archetype," CW 9i, para. 264.
37 This is the subject of an excellent new book:
Dennis R. Wier, Trance: from magic to technology (Ann Arbor, MI: Trans Media, 1996.
38 For discussion of this see Nevill Drury, The
Shaman and the Magician: Journeys Between the Worlds (London: Routledge &
Kegan Paul, 1982).
39 C.G. Jung: His Myth in
Our Time (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1975), p. 99.
40 C.G. Jung, Letters, Vol. 1 (1906-1950),
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973), p. 377. Letter of August 20,
1945, to P.W. Martin.
41 In a story told by Adolf Guggenbühl-Craig in
Stephen Segaller and Merrill Berger, The Wisdom of the Dream: The World of C.G.
Jung (Boston: Shambhala, 1989), p. 85.
42 Rogan Taylor, personal
communication. My thanks to him.
43 Marie-Louise von Franz, personal
communication. My thanks to her. This story is also reported in Rogan Taylor,
The Death and Resurrection Show: From Shaman to Superstar (London: Anthony
Blond, 1985), p. 146. Note, in this connection, that the ĆFestschriftŘ for
Jungian analyst Joseph Henderson is called The Shaman from Elko.
44 CW 9i, para. 456-488.
45 Paul Radin, with commentaries by C.G. Jung and
Karl Kerínyi (Zürich: 1954). English version: The Trickster: A Study in
American Indian Mythology (London: 1956).
46 "On the Psychology
of the Trickster-Figure," CW 9i, para. 484.
47 CW 9i, para. 457.
48 One is reminded here of
Nietzsche's aphorism: "Nothing succeeds unless prankishness has a part in
it."
49 CW 9i, para. 472.
50 William Willeford, The
Fool and His Scepter (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1969).
51 Willeford, p. xxi.
52 Willeford, p. 88.
53 See, for example, the entry "Hermes"
in Michael Stapleton, The Illustrated Dictionary of Greek and Roman Mythology
(New York: Peter Bedrick Books, 1986), p. 104.
54 From Joe Lantiere, The Magician's Wand: An
Illustrated History (Oakville, CT: Joe Lantiere Books, 1990), p. 18.
55 As Robert Fitzgerald translates the passage at
the beginning of the last book of Homer's Odyssey (New York: Anchor Books,
1963), p. 445.
56 Karl Kerínyi, Hermes,
Guide of Souls (Dallas: Spring Publications, 1986), p. 11.
57 Rogan Taylor, The Death
and Resurrection Show (London: Anthony Blond, 1985), argues that it is this
theme which connects shamanism to modern showbusiness, including the circus,
magicians, and musical superstars. It is also interesting that the earliest
known record of a performance of magic as entertainment dates from the Twelfth
Dynasty in Egypt (1991-1786 B.C.E.) and reports a command performance at court
by a magician named Dedi. His tricks included the apparent decapitation and
restoration of birds and animals. The Westcar Papyrus which provides details is
in the Egyptian Museum in Berlin. See Anne King, "Dedi Revisited,"
The Magic Circular (Magazine of the Magic Circle of London), Vol. 89, No. 957
(October 1995), pp. 182-184.
58 "A Study in the
Process of Individuation," CW 9i, para. 553.
59 At least three books
written by former students at the Zürich Jung Institute are currently
available: Irene Gad, Tarot and Individuation: Correspondences with Cabala and
Alchemy (York Beach, ME: Nicolas-Hays, 1994); Kenneth D. Newman, The Tarot: A
Myth of Male Initiation (New York: Quadrant, 1983) a book based on his Zürich
diploma thesis; and Sallie Nichols, Jung and Tarot: An Archetypal Journey (York
Beach, ME: Samuel Weiser, 1980).
60 "Archetypes of the
Collective Unconscious," CW 9i, para. 81.
61 In addition to being mentioned in the books by
Gad, Nichols, and Newman, mentioned above, these claims are also critically
discussed in Stuart Kaplan, The Encyclopedia of Tarot (New York: U.S. Games
Systems, 1978).
62 See Newman, p. 5, for
details.
63 Newman, pp. 5-6.
64 Bernd Mertz, Kartenlegen:
Wahrsagen mit Tarot-, Skat-, Lenormand- und Zigeunerblěttern (Niederhausen:
Falken, 1985), p. 57. My translation.
65 The entry for "gold" in The Herder
Symbol Dictionary, translated by Boris Matthews, (Wilmette, Illinois: Chiron
Publications, 1986), p. 87, connects gold with nobility and eternity, with
insight and knowledge (especially esoteric), and with heavenly light in
medieval paintings. Note that Hermes' wand was also golden.
66 Cf. Elisabeth Haich, The
Wisdom of the Tarot (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1975), p. 27.
67 Joseph Kaster, Putnam's
Concise Mythological Dictionary (New York: Perigee Books, 1990), p. 79.
68 Newman, p. 8.
69 Newman, p. 8. But Newman
also admits that the only place he has found this label is in an unpublished
lecture by H. K. Fierz, "The Archetypal Image as a Healing Factor. Stuart
Kaplan's two-volume reference work, The Encyclopedia of Tarot (New York: U.S.
Games Systems, 1978) mentions many different labels for the magician card but
"The Gambler" is not one of them.
70 Newman, p. 8.
71 Kaplan, vol. 1, p. 245.
72 Kaplan, vol. 1, p. 49.
73 Kaplan, vol. 1, p. 137.
74 Newman, p. 120, n. 1.
75 Joseph Campbell, "Symbolism of the
Marseilles Deck," p. 11, in Joseph Campbell and Richard Roberts, Tarot
Revelations (San Anselmo, CA: Vernal Equinox Press, 1979).
76 See, for example, Arthur Edward Waite, The
Pictorial Key to the Tarot: Being Fragments of a Secret Tradition under the
Veil of Divination (New York: University Books, 1959).
77 Newman, p. 8.
78 Grillot de Givry,
Witchcraft, Magic & Alchemy (New York: Dover Publications, 1971), pp.
296-297.
79 The information in this paragraph is based
largely on pp. 111-114 in James Gollnick, "Merlin as Psychological Symbol:
A Jungian View" in James Gollnick (ed.), Comparative Studies in Merlin
from the Vedas to C.G. Jung (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1991), pp.
111-131.
80 Heinrich Zimmer, "Merlin" Corona,
Vol. 9, No. 2 (1939), p. 134, comments on this Merlin's being at home in the
woods, or "enchanted forest" as showing his connection to "the
dark part of the world. One is reminded, of course, of the opening lines of
Dante's Divine Comedy as well.
81 Gollnick, p. 112. See also the discussion of
this issue in Geoffrey Ashe, "Merlin in the Earliest Records," in The
Book of Merlin (London: 1988), pp. 31-42.
82 Leona Goodrich, Merlin
(New York, 1987).
83 Nikolai Tolstoy, The
Quest for Merlin (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1985).
84 Summarized in Gollnick, pp. 117-118. See also
Alexandre Micha, ?tude sur le 'Merlin' de Robert de Boron (Geneva, 1980),
especially pp. 184-185.
85 Gollnick, p. 118.
86 "The Phenomenology
of the Spirit in Fairytales," CW 9i, para. 413, 415.
87 Marie-Louise von Franz, "Le Cri de
Merlin," in M.-L. von Franz, C.G. Jung: His Myth in Our Time (New York:
G.P. Putnam's Sons: 1975), p. 275.
88 Entry for "Lady of the Lake" in
Margaret Drabble (ed.), The Oxford Companion to English Literature, 5th ed.
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), p. 543.
89 "On the Psychology
of the Trickster-Figure," CW 9i, para. 485.
90 "The Phenomenology
of the Spirit in Fairytales," CW 9i, para. 440.
91 von Franz, pp. 269-287.
92 C.G. Jung, Memories, Dreams, Reflections
(London: Fontana Press, 1995), p. 255. [First published in 1961.]
93 Houdini identified with America and tried to
erase his European roots. He claimed to have been born in Appleton, Wisconsin,
and many references sources list this as his birthplace (the 14th edition of
the Encyclopaedia Britannica, published in 1960, does this, for example Vol.
11, p. 800). Recent scholarship agrees, however, that he was born in Hungary.
See, for example, in addition to more recent editions of the Britannica, the
"Houdini" entry in The Concise Columbia Encyclopedia (New York: Avon
Books, 1983), p. 390.
94 "An ardent debunker of spiritualistic
'mediums,' he exposed their methods in Miracle Mongers and Their Methods (1920)
and A Magician Among the Spirits (1924). Benít's Reader's Encyclopedia, 3rd
ed., (New York: Harper & Row, 1987), p. 462.
95 Rogan Taylor, The Death and Resurrection Show:
From Shaman to Superstar (London: Anthony Blond, 1985), p. 144.
96 R. Fitzsimons, Death and
the Magician: The Mystery of Houdini (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1980), p. 64.
97 Taylor, pp. 144-145. In a footnote to this
passage, Taylor refers the reader to A. Hultkranze, Spirit Lodge: A North
American Shamanistic Seance in Carl-Martin Edsman, ed., Studies in Shamanism
(Stockholm: Almquist and Wiksell, 1967), pp. 40-42.
98 Taylor, pp. 145, 150.
99 Taylor, p. 147.
100 One expression for such
an experience is being "in the flow. Another is "in the Tao."
101 Bob Neale, "The Gifts of McBride,"
M-U-M (the magazine of the Society of American Magicians), Vol. 84, No. 11,
April 1995, p. 15.
102 Taylor, p. 150.
103 Raimund Fitzsimons, Death and the Magician:
The Mystery of Houdini (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1980).
104 Eugene Burger, The
Experience of Magic (New York: Kaufman and Greenberg, 1989), p. 119.
105 Burger, p. 119.
106 Ruth Brandon, The Life
and Many Deaths of Harry Houdini (London: Secker & Warburg, 1993), p. 241.
107 J.C. Cooper, An Illustrated Encyclopaedia of
Traditional Symbols (London: Thames and Hudson, 1978), p. 187.
108 Bronislaw Malinowski,
Magic, Science and Religion (New York: Anchor Books, 1954), p. 71. Another
interesting discussion of this practice is in Henri F. Ellenberger, The
Discovery of the Unconscious: The History and Evolution of Dynamic Psychiatry
(New York: Basic Books, 1970), pp. 35-37. A rather detailed analysis of this
and similar shamanistic practices is Chapter IX, "The Sorcerer and His
Magic," in Claude Lívi-Strauss, Structural Anthropology (New York: Basic
Books, 1963), pp. 167-185.
109 Described as "divination by the
wand" in Nigel Pennick, Secret Games of the Gods: Ancient Ritual Systems
in Board Games (York Beach, Maine: Samuel Weiser, 1989), p. 16.
110 See the entry on "rhabdomancy" in
Max Maven, Max Maven's Book of Fortunetelling (New York: Prentice Hall, 1992),
pp. 207-212, for a more complete discussion of this issue.
111 Joe Lantiere, The Magician's Wand: An
Illustrated History (Oakville, Connecticut: Joe Lantiere Books, 1990), p. 30.
112 Jung once referred to
"Moses' rock-splitting staff, which struck forth the living water and
afterwards changed into a serpent ...." and added in a footnote: "The
caduceus corresponds to the phallus. "A Study in the Process of Individuation,"
CW 9i, para. 533.
113 William Willeford, The Fool and His Scepter
(Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1969), p. 11. And on page 37, in
connection with an illustrations of nine such baubles, Willeford comments on
those baubles which are topped by a head with ass's ears or the cockscomb,
which "link the figures to animals famous for their sexuality as well as
their silliness. The figures represent the intelligence of the phallus a
counterpart, on the level of instinct, to the reason of the head."
114 Monica Sjoo and Barbara Mor, The Great Cosmic
Mother: Rediscovering the Religion of the Earth (New York: Harper and Row,
1987).
115 Sjoo and Mor, p. 121.
116 Sjoo and Mor, p. 145.
117 According to Marie-Louise von Franz, "He
[Jung] had dreams that he should become a woman that is the old archetypal
dream of the shaman who wears woman's clothes, to integrate the other sex and
descend into the other world. Quoted in Stephen Segaller and Merrill Berger,
The Wisdom of the Dream: The World of C.G. Jung (Boston: Shambhala, 1989), p.
119.
118 See Morton Smith, Jesus the Magician (New
York: Harper, 1978), Ludwig Blau, Das Altjüdische Zauberwesen (Graz, Austria:
Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 1974), pp. 29-30, and Christa
Habiger-Tuczay, Magie und Magier im Mittlealter (München: Diederichs, 1992),
esp. pp. 39-43.
119 "Catalogo del
Museo Sacro IV," (Vatican City: Vatican Publications, 1959), Catalog 31,
p. 5, plate 5.
120 Lantiere, pp. 44-48,
provides photographs and descriptions of many such wands.
121 Jung writes: "An archetypal content
expresses itself, first and foremost, in metaphors. "The Psychology of the
Child Archetype," CW 9i, para. 267. [An earlier translation of this
sentence uses "figure of speech" rather than "metaphor. See
Russell A. Lockhart, Words as Eggs: Psyche in Language and Clinic (Dallas:
Spring Publications, 1983), p. 106.]
122 C.G. Jung, Letters, Vol.
1 (1906-1950), (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973), p. 376. Letter of
20 August 1945, to Karl
Kerínyi.
123 The Herder Symbol Dictionary, Boris Matthews,
trans. (Wilmette, Illinois: Chiron Publications, 1986), p. 1.
124 Aryeh Kaplan, Sefer Yetzirah: The Book of
Creation In Theory and Practice (York Beach, ME: Weiser, 1990), p. xxi. My
thanks to Edwin Wise for referring me to this source.
125 See the entry
"Sator Arepo" in The Herder Symbol Dictionary, p. 165.
126 Rogan Taylor, The Death and Resurrection
Show: From Shaman to Superstar (London: Anthony Blond, 1985), p. 136.
127 Bart Whaley, Who's Who in Magic: An
International Biographical Guide from Past to Present (Wallace, ID: Jeff Busby
Magic, 1991), p. 162.
128 Personal communication
from Istvan Mikola, Hungarian linguist. My thanks to him.
129 My thanks to Bruce Barnett, Frederick Ferrí
and Jeanine Ariana for helping me with the research on this particular
"magic word."
130 "Transformation
Symbolism in the Mass," CW 11, para. 442.
131 Letter to Horst Scharschuch, 1 September
1952, Letters, Vol.2 (1951-1961), (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1974), p. 82.
132 Malinowski, p. 73.
133 Malinowski, p. 75.
134 Hans Dieter Betz (ed.), The Greek Magical
Papyri in Translation, Including the Demotic Spells (Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press, 1992), Table of Spells, pp. xi-xxii.
135 Eugene Burger and
Robert E. Neale, Magic and Meaning (Seattle, WA: Hermetic Press, 1995), p. 177.
136 The Herder Symbol Dictionary, trans. Boris
Matthews. (Wilmette, Illinois: Chiron Publications, 1986), p. 40.
137 Reprinted in Joseph
Campbell, The Power of Myth (New York: Doubleday, 1988), p. 215.
138 See the entry "Bann" in
Handw–rterbuch des Deutschen Aberglaubens (Berlin: 1927), Volume I, pp.
873-880.
139 The Tavistock Lectures,
CW 18, para. 409.
140 Ad de Vries, Dictionary of Symbols and
Imagery, 2nd ed. (Amsterdam: North-Holland Publishing Co., 1976), p. 100.
141 Psychology and Alchemy,
CW 12, para. 219.
142 Robert Moore and Douglas Gillette, The
Magician Within: Accessing the Shaman in the Male Psyche (New York: Avon Books,
1994), p. 110.
143 Cf. Lucile H. Charles, "Drama in Shaman
Exorcism," Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 66, No. 260 (April-June
1953), pp. 95-122.
144 Taylor, p. 40.
145 See, for example, Richard Bandler and John
Grinder, ReFraming: Neuro-Linguistic Programming and the Transformation of
Meaning (Moab, UT: Real People Press, 1982). Note that Bandler and Grinder's
first book was called "The Structure of Magic" (Science and Behavior
Books, 1975).
146 Aion, CW 9ii, para. 25.
147 Aniela Jaffí, personal communication (1985).
I am grateful to her for her friendship and support during the time I was first
considering studying at the Jung Institute. She died in 1991.
148 See, for examples: Otto Lippross, Logik und
Magie in der Medizin (München: J.F. Lehmanns Verlag, 1969); Gíza R˘heim, Magic
and Schizophrenia (New York: International Universities Press, 1955); Rainer
Wassner, Magie und Psychotherapie: Ein gesellschaftswissenschaftlicher
Vergleich von Institutionen der Krisenbewěltigung (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer
Verlag, 1984).
149 Donald Kalshed, Lecture, "ĆFitcher's
BirdŘ and the Dark Side of the Self," Zürich Jung Institute, February 22,
1994.
150 "The
Mana-Personality," CW 7, para. 377.
151
"Definitions," CW 6, para. 783.
152 C.G. Jung, "A Talk with Students at the
Institute," in William McGuire and R.F.C. Hull (eds.), C.G. Jung Speaking:
Interviews and Encounters (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977), p.
363.
153 CW 9i, para.525.
154 Carol Pearson, in
discussing "transformation through ritual action," describes one
therapist having "clients visualize putting their problems on the table.
She hands them a magic wand and asks them to imagine their problems magically disappearing.
Carol S. Pearson, Awakening the Heroes Within (San Francisco: HarperCollins,
1991), p. 203.
155 See, for example, J. Marvin Spiegelman,
"Active Imagination: Values, Limitations, and Potentialities for Further
Development," Harvest, No. 27 (1981), pp. 81-89. See also Israel Regardie,
The Middle Pillar: A Co-Relation of the Principles of Analytical Psychology and
the Elementary Techniques of Magic (St. Paul, MN: Llewellyn, 1970).
156 Russell A. Lockhart, Words as Eggs: Psyche in
Language and Clinic (Dallas: Spring Publications, 1983), p. 85.
157 "Concerning
Mandala Symbolism," CW 9i, para. 645.
158 Richard Noll, The Jung Cult: Origins of a
Charismatic Movement (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), p. 292.
159 Rogan Taylor, personal
communication. My thanks to him.
160 Richard F. Smith, Prelude to Science: An
Exploration of Magic and Divination (New York: Scribner, 1975), p. 24.
161 A.K. Shapiro, "The Placebo Effect in the
History of Medical Treatment: Implications for Psychiatry" (1959), quoted
in Jerome D. Frank and Julia B. Frank, Persuasion and Healing, 3rd ed.
(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991), p. 134.
162 Michael Harner, The Way
of the Shaman (New York: Harper & Row, 1990), p. 135.
163 Carol S. Pearson,
Awakening the Heroes Within (San Francisco: HarperCollins, 1991), p. 201.
164 The issues and possibilities here are not
just theoretical. There are potential clinical uses as well. Some of these have
been explored in print. See, for example, Mariann Baskin Gabriel, "Using
the Shamanic Journey in Psychotherapy," Shamanic Applications Review: A
Journal of Religious Resources in Psychotherapy, Vol. 1, No. 1 (Fall 1995), pp.
47-51, and Edward Whitmont, "Magic and the Psychology of Compulsive
States," The Journal of Analytical Psychology, Vol. 2, No. 1 (January
1957), pp. 3-32. 165Psychology and Alchemy, CW 12, para. 6.
About the Author
John Granrose was born in
1939 in Miami, Florida. He received his B.A. in philosophy and psychology from
the University of Miami, studied at the University of Heidelberg on a U.S.
Fulbright Grant, and received his Ph.D. in philosophy from the University of
Michigan in 1966. His doctoral dissertation, "The Implications of
Psychological Studies of Conscience for Ethics," dealt with the theories
of Freud, Piaget, and B.F. Skinner.
From 1966 until 1993, he
taught in the Department of Philosophy at the University of Georgia. He has
also taught at the University of Miami and the University of Michigan and has
held visiting professorships at Keele University in England and the University
of Erlangen-Nürnberg in Germany. Since 1993 he has been Professor Emeritus of
Philosophy in the University of Georgia.
His work has been published in the Harvard
Theological Review, the Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism, the Journal of
Social Philosophy, Business and Professional Ethics, and other journals. He is
the co-editor of Introductory Readings in Ethics (Prentice-Hall, 1974) and the
co-author of Practical Business Ethics (Prentice-Hall, 1995).
Dr. Granrose is a member of the American Philosophical Association,
the American Psychological Association, and the Society for Values in Higher
Education.
Ring the bells that still can ring.
Forget your perfect offering.
There is a crack in everything.
That's how the light gets in.
-- Leonard Cohen